The curious case of Delhi’s Zone-O: Demolitions on one side, construction on the other

<p><strong>Construction is prohibited across Delhi’s Zone-O. But on the ground, the reality appears different, with private and government construction continuing in several areas.</strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/pGBPB5GMDhuPf0xNUWTzk37bGnLoixOVBEYZAVxTa28/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTcvaHFwdW40dW0vQUktODMuanBnP2F1dG89Zm9ybWF0JTJDY29tcHJlc3MmZml0PW1heCZkcHI9MS4wJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/FaAnb-ipWBI" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><figcaption><a href="https://youtu.be/FaAnb-ipWBI" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Watch on YouTube</a></figcaption></figure><p>The Delhi Development Authority and Municipal Corporation of Delhi have repeatedly claimed action against illegal construction in Zone-O, including demolitions. Yet a ground visit to several parts, especially the Yamuna floodplain, revealed construction continuing despite the restrictions.</p><p>In Wazirabad, construction was underway at several locations. In Gali No. 9, a road had been occupied for construction, with machinery, workers and building material blocking public movement. Local activist Shehzad Khan questioned why construction continues even after notices are issued, and whether officials are failing to act against such violations.</p><p>The construction is not limited to private buildings. A primary school run by the Municipal Corporation of Delhi in Wazirabad village was also found undergoing construction, raising questions about government construction in an area where building activity is prohibited.</p><p>The ecologically sensitive Yamuna floodplain plays an important role in flood management and environmental protection.</p><p>Watch.</p><p><br><em>Your support keeps news free.&nbsp;<a href="https://pages.razorpay.com/nl-1947">Get a 6-month subscription at Rs 1947</a>. Or gift it to your friends or relatives.</em></p>

2026/8/17
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Rs 1.9 cr a day: BJP govt in MP spent more on publicity than on environment or minority depts

<p><strong>Madhya Pradesh spent Rs 1,413.76 crore on advertising and publicity in the two financial years for which audited figures exist, overshooting its own budget both times. </strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/v-Z-rC6O8foAqsoE4rf-EbRPqRu9KcMA0XWXlgISI9k/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTcvOHJqM3M3NW4vTU9oYW4tWUFEQVYtWC1NT0RJLTIuanBnP2F1dG89Zm9ybWF0JTJDY29tcHJlc3MmZml0PW1heCZkcHI9MS4wJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption> (Gobindh VB)</figcaption></figure><iframe class="trinity-player trinity-iframe" src="https://trinitymedia.ai/player/trinity-i/2900013399/?pageURL=https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/08/17/rs-19-cr-a-day-bjp-govt-in-mp-spent-more-on-publicity-than-on-environment-or-minority-depts&amp;readContentType=URL" style="border: 0; width: 100% !important; height: 90px !important" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe> <p>Drive through almost any town in Madhya Pradesh and the state government is impossible to avoid. Hoardings at the chowk. Full pages in the morning paper. Sponsored posts around every government event. Chief Minister Mohan Yadav’s face is on most of them, and not only inside the state. Madhya Pradesh government advertisements have turned up at bus stops in Delhi and at the capital’s airport.&nbsp;</p><p>In 2023-24 and 2024-25, the two most recent years for which audited spending is available, Madhya Pradesh spent Rs 1,413.76 crore under the advertisement and publicity head alone. That works out to Rs 1.93 crore for every day of those two years. In both years, the government spent more on publicity than it had initially told the legislature it would.</p><p>For the current year, 2025-26, look at the projection: the Public Relations Department was allocated Rs 632.37 crore for advertising and publicity, and mid-year revised estimates have already pushed that figure to Rs 727.93 crore. If it holds, the three-year total reaches Rs 2,141.69 crore, an average of Rs 1.95 crore a day.&nbsp;</p><p>The department that spends this money, known as Jansampark, sits in the Chief Minister’s portfolio.</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/w0JqLT1maePNa0-YMFHWKn5hYf4JzFZSJaMnUSw6RZc/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTcvNzMyNWg2OXgvTVAtc3BlbmRpbmcuanBnP2F1dG89Zm9ybWF0JTJDY29tcHJlc3MmZm9ybWF0PXdlYnA" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><p>The single biggest publicity year in this period was an election year, budgeted and largely spent before Yadav took office in December 2023. But the pattern outlasted the change of Chief Minister.</p><p><strong>The election-year surge</strong></p><p>The financial year 2023-24 was Madhya Pradesh’s assembly election year. The budget for that year had been presented months earlier, and the bulk of the year was run by the previous BJP government under Shivraj Singh Chouhan.</p><p>That is the year publicity spending broke records. Actual spending reached Rs 817.58 crore against a budget estimate of Rs 513.59 crore, an overshoot of nearly Rs 304 crore, or 59 percent more than the government had said it would spend. For scale, the Public Relations Department's total expenditure, publicity and everything else combined, was Rs 285.14 crore in 2021-22 and Rs 479.17 crore in 2022-23. In 2023-24 the publicity head on its own was larger than either of those full-department totals.</p><p>Most of it went to the media. Print took the largest share at Rs 319.99 crore, with electronic media close behind at Rs 266.29 crore, Rs 586.28 crore between them. Another Rs 190.06 crore went under the head “publicity on special occasions” and Rs 103.99 crore on organising and managing programme events. Smaller heads made up the rest: Rs 30.20 crore under advertisement, sale and publicity expenses, Rs 9.89 crore on field publicity including fairs and exhibitions, and Rs 1.60 crore on beneficiary welfare publicity.</p><p>It did not come down the next year. In 2024-25, the first full budget of the Yadav government, Rs 518.11 crore was earmarked for advertisement and publicity – the revised departmental total stood at Rs 736.07 crore. Within that allocation, print media was given Rs 200 crore, electronic media Rs 146.39 crore, publicity on special occasions Rs 120.21 crore and programme events Rs 60 crore, with Rs 10 crore for field publicity, Rs 9.16 crore for film production and distribution and Rs 5.56 crore for departmental publications. Actual spending again ran past the allocation, reaching Rs 596.18 crore, some Rs 78.07 crore more than budgeted.</p><p>The department’s total actual expenditure came in at Rs 675.21 crore against a revised estimate of Rs 736.07 crore, a saving of about Rs 61 crore made on administrative and operational costs.&nbsp;</p><p>The department began 2025-26 with a total budget of Rs 875.59 crore, of which Rs 632.37 crore was for advertisement and publicity. By the mid-year revision the publicity figure had been raised again, to Rs 727.93 crore, a projected increase of nearly Rs 96 crore, while the department’s overall budget was cut from Rs 875.59 crore to Rs 797.80 crore, once more by trimming administrative and operational heads. Measured against the previous year’s actual spending, the revised publicity estimate is a rise of 22 percent.&nbsp;</p><p>Across the three years the department as a whole was given Rs 2,661.94 crore.<strong>&nbsp;</strong></p><p><strong>What the money didn’t buy</strong></p><p>There appears to be a gap if you set this spending against the departments that serve the state’s vulnerable sections or some key departments.</p><p>The Minority Welfare Department received Rs 154.56 crore in 2023-24, Rs 156.51 crore in 2024-25 and Rs 157.27 crore in 2025-26 – Rs 468.34 crore over three years, less than a quarter of the publicity bill. Cottage and Rural Industries, in a state where most people live in villages and depend on farming and small industry, got Rs 132.98 crore, Rs 152.60 crore and Rs 157.52 crore, or Rs 443.10 crore in all. The Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes Welfare Department got Rs 42.76 crore, Rs 48.10 crore and Rs 60.34 crore, a three-year total of Rs 151.20 crore. The Environment Department got Rs 35.21 crore, Rs 26.22 crore and Rs 38.72 crore, adding up to Rs 100.15 crore.</p><p>Print advertisements alone cost Rs 319.99 crore in 2023-24 – more than twice the minority welfare department’s entire budget that year, and more than the Science and Technology Department’s entire actual expenditure of Rs 233.26 crore.&nbsp;</p><p>The Denotified and Nomadic Tribes department’s whole three-year budget of Rs 151.20 crore is less than what the government spent on electronic media publicity in the single year 2023-24. The Environment Department's three-year budget is roughly half of what was spent on publicity for special occasions in that one year. And the three-year budget for Cottage and Rural Industries falls at least Rs 140 crore short of what print and electronic advertising cost in 2023-24 alone.</p><p>Several of these departments do not spend what they are given.</p><p>The Minority Welfare Department had Rs 154.56 crore in 2023-24 and spent Rs 10.53 crore. Its flagship scheme, the Development Programme in Minority-Dominated Districts, was allocated Rs 140 crore and spent Rs 70.03 lakh, under one percent of the money set aside. Rs 60 lakh for a Haj House, Rs 60 lakh for post-matric girls’ hostels and Rs 1.60 lakh for Waqf Tribunal infrastructure went largely untouched. The following year, the department’s Rs 156.51 crore estimate was slashed to Rs 16.34 crore at revision, and the minority-districts scheme was cut from Rs 140 crore to a token Rs 2,000.</p><p>The Science and Technology Department left about 32 percent of its 2023-24 budget unspent, using Rs 233.26 crore of Rs 343.04 crore. Optical Fibre Connectivity, which had absorbed Rs 185 crore in 2022-23, was cut to Rs 3,000 in 2023-24, held there in 2024-25 and zeroed in 2025-26. The PM GatiShakti Data Centre scheme took Rs 40 crore in 2023-24, fell to Rs 3,000 the next year and then to nothing. Building construction for the state science council got Rs 3 crore in 2022-23, then Rs 1,000 a year for three years running. Infrastructure in engineering and medical colleges had Rs 7.99 crore in 2022-23 before being reduced to a token Rs 2,000. Science Parks had Rs 10.32 crore in 2023-24 and zero by 2025-26. On paper, the department’s allocation surged, from Rs 343.09 crore to Rs 472.34 crore to Rs 497.79 crore.</p><p>The Environment Department spent Rs 17.75 crore of its Rs 35.21 crore in 2023-24, barely half, with almost nothing on capital projects. Its 2024-25 budget was cut from Rs 38.71 crore to Rs 26.22 crore at revision. It was granted Rs 38.72 crore in 2025-26.&nbsp;</p><p>The Denotified and Nomadic Tribes department, which funds hostels, scholarships and settlement development, was given Rs 42.76 crore in 2023-24, saw it revised down to Rs 36.67 crore, and finally spent Rs 25.35 crore – leaving Rs 17.41 crore of the original allocation unused..</p><p><em>Newslaundry</em> has sent queries to the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh. A questionnaire has also been sent to Manish Singh, MP’s Commissioner of Public Relations. This report will be updated if a response is received.</p><p><br><em>Your support keeps news free.&nbsp;<a href="https://pages.razorpay.com/nl-1947">Get a 6-month subscription at Rs 1947</a>. Or gift it to your friends or relatives.</em></p>Rs 2.3 crore a day, 8 years: Yogi govt outspends Modi govt when it comes to ads

2026/8/17
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Why 4 in 10 Indian children go to private schools

<p><strong>Telangana has the highest private-school share among major states, while pre-primary classes see the highest private enrolment.</strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/TwIFjpY5chIxyIHZA1pq-VtS5Y2z6WMtTm6531sID9w/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjEtMDkvMzViMTIzODYtYzg4MS00NDIzLWFkNTMtNjVhNTQ5ZWQ2YjkyL0FJX19fX3J1cmFsX2xpdGVyYWN5LmpwZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZpdD1tYXgmZHByPTEuMCZmb3JtYXQ9d2VicA" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption> (Kartik)</figcaption></figure><iframe class="trinity-player trinity-iframe" src="https://trinitymedia.ai/player/trinity-i/2900013399/?pageURL=https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/08/17/why-4-in-10-indian-children-go-to-private-schools&amp;readContentType=URL" style="border: 0; width: 100% !important; height: 90px !important" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe> <p>Four in 10 Indian schoolchildren were enrolled in private unaided schools in 2025-26, up from 35.4 percent in 2018-19, according to Unified District Information System for Education (<ins><a href="https://udiseplus.gov.in/#/en/page/publications">UDISE+</a></ins>) data.</p><p>Private-school enrolment increased by about 3 million in the past year, while government schools—where 48 percent of children are enrolled—saw their numbers decline by about 2.7 million.</p><p>In 12 states and two Union territories (UTs), more than half the students went to private schools. Bihar, Goa and Jharkhand had less than 20 percent enrolment in private schools, while West Bengal had under 10 percent.</p><p>Parents are increasingly choosing private schools at lower levels: 71 percent students in pre-primary or kindergarten and 40 percent in primary (grades I to V) were in private schools. In contrast, about 10 percent of students at the primary level were in government schools.</p><p>Research studies show, and experts say, that perceptions of learning, affordability, school performance and availability of English-medium instruction affect parents’ choices.</p><p>Choosing a private school also comes at a higher cost. Average annual education-related expenditure was Rs 28,693 per student in private schools, compared with Rs 2,863 in government schools, as <strong>ISignal</strong><a href="https://www.isignal.in/data-viz/coaching-fees-and-the-rising-cost-of-schooling-in-india-983795"> </a><ins><a href="https://www.isignal.in/data-viz/coaching-fees-and-the-rising-cost-of-schooling-in-india-983795">reported</a></ins> in April 2026.</p><p>In three charts, we examine the changing pattern of India’s school enrolment.</p><p><strong>Private enrolment recovers after pandemic</strong></p><p>The number of students in private unaided schools increased from 92.2 million in 2018-19 to 98.9 million in 2025-26. Government-school enrolment fell from 131.1 million to 118.9 million during the same period. The pandemic interrupted these trends, and since then, government-school enrolment has declined each year, while private-school enrolment has recovered.</p><p>The number of government schools also declined by 78,500 over this period to reach 1.01 million in 2025-26, with the largest decline (more than 51,000) seen in 2019-20. The private sector, in contrast, saw a net increase of about 15,000 schools, adding up to about 342,000 schools in 2025-26, UDISE+ data show.</p><p>A 2019<a href="https://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/id/eprint/10115066/3/Kingdon_JDS%20Final%20submission%20-%20The%20private%20schooling%20phenomenon%20in%20India.pdf"> </a><ins><a href="https://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/id/eprint/10115066/3/Kingdon_JDS%20Final%20submission%20-%20The%20private%20schooling%20phenomenon%20in%20India.pdf">review</a></ins> of private schooling in India noted that the growth was linked to demand from parents and that low-fee private schools account for a substantial part of the sector.</p><p>Private-school students also performed better than government-school students in reading and arithmetic, although the gap was narrowing, as <strong>ISignal</strong><a href="https://www.isignal.in/data-viz/dataviz-private-schools-show-better-outcomes-but-govt-schools-are-catching-up-965449"> </a><ins><a href="https://www.isignal.in/data-viz/dataviz-private-schools-show-better-outcomes-but-govt-schools-are-catching-up-965449">reported</a></ins> in August 2025.</p><p>“There is dissatisfaction among parents, particularly with municipal, corporation and Zilla Parishad schools, and private-school enrolment is a reaction to that,” said Heramb Kulkarni, retired principal, educationist and social activist based in Maharashtra, calling the choice “a kind of negative voting”.</p><p>“It is not that private schools are necessarily of better quality,” he added. “There is no proper system to monitor them either. Even there, children may not learn to write properly, and teachers may not be very well trained.”</p><p><strong>The state picture</strong></p><p>Among larger states, Telangana recorded the highest share of private-school enrolment at 64.5 percent in 2025-26, followed by Haryana and Uttarakhand at about 62 percent.</p><p>On the other end, Bihar's private-school share rose from 10.2 percent in 2018-19 to 14.8 percent in 2025-26, while West Bengal's fell from 11.4 percent to 6.3 percent.</p><p>“Earlier, people in Bihar did not go towards private schools. But after the Right to Education, in recent years, gradually there has been a growing understanding that education is necessary,” said Anil Kumar Roy, convener of the RTE Forum Bihar.&nbsp;</p><p>A 2023<a href="https://roadscholarz.net/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/English_Where-Are-The-Kids_2023.pdf"> </a><ins><a href="https://roadscholarz.net/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/English_Where-Are-The-Kids_2023.pdf">survey</a></ins> of government schools in Bihar found that two-thirds of primary schools and almost all upper-primary schools in its sample had pupil-teacher ratios above 30. Attendance was 23 percent in primary and 20 percent in upper-primary schools, and 90 percent of primary schools lacked a proper boundary wall, playground or library.</p><p>Roy said affordability could be one reason for Bihar's relatively low private-school enrolment. “Bihar is the poorest state. If a family's income is Rs 6,000 a month, how can a family survive? For such families, government schools remain the option,” Roy said.</p><p>He explained that the shortage of subject-specific teachers is pushing some families out. “Concerned parents are taking their children out, saying the studies are not happening here, and sending them to a place where they believe the teaching will happen,” he explained.</p><p>Both Bihar and West Bengal show a high reliance on private tuition. The Annual Status of Education Report (ASER) 2022<ins><a href="https://img.asercentre.org/docs/ASER%202022%20report%20pdfs/State%20pages/6%20pagers_English/westbengal_28.pdf">data</a></ins> found that 71.5 percent of children in grades I-VIII in rural Bihar and 73.9 percent in West Bengal took paid tuition classes, among the highest rates in the country.</p><p><strong>Changes across grades</strong></p><p>Private schools accounted for 64.5 percent of higher-secondary schools in 2025-26, compared with 23.9 percent of secondary schools and 10.4 percent of primary schools. At the primary level, private school enrolment increased from 32 percent in 2021-22 to 39.9 percent in 2025-26. At the secondary level, it rose from 33.3 percent to 35.9 percent.</p><p>Among students from marginalised caste groups, enrolment is higher in government schools compared to private institutions. In 2024-25, Scheduled Caste students accounted for 22.8 percent of government-school enrolment while Scheduled Tribes students made up 13.9 percent. In comparison, their share in private schools is roughly half: 12.1 percent among SC and 4.9 percent from ST communities.&nbsp;</p><p>General-category students, by contrast, made up 36.4 percent of private-school enrolment, nearly double their 20.1 percent share in government schools.</p><p>Other Backward Classes account for 43.2 percent of government-school enrolment and 46.6 percent of private-school enrolment in 2024-25.</p><p><strong>Parental perceptions affect choices</strong></p><p>English-medium institutions accounted for 43.9 percent of private schools in 2024-25, up from 38.2 percent in 2019-20. Their share of enrolment increased from 51 percent to 60.7 percent during the same period.</p><p>In government schools, English-medium institutions accounted for 6.4 percent of schools and 8.3 percent of enrolment in 2024-25.</p><p>A NITI Aayog<a href="https://www.niti.gov.in/sites/default/files/2026-05/School-Education-System-in-India.pdf"> </a><ins><a href="https://www.niti.gov.in/sites/default/files/2026-05/School-Education-System-in-India.pdf">report</a></ins> on India's school education system said the shift towards private schools reflects parental aspirations for better outcomes, with perceptions around English-medium instruction, discipline and employability driving some of the demand. It also raised concerns about quality, equity and regulation in the private sector.</p><p>“People feel that if their children want to become doctors or engineers, these courses are in English. So parents feel that if their children are to get these opportunities, they must go to an English-medium school,” said Kulkarni. “The real challenge is how to change this perception among parents.”</p><p>Parents’ preference for private schools may also be linked to perceptions of better learning outcomes. Private-school students performed better than government-school students in reading and arithmetic, although the gap was narrowing as government-school students made larger gains, as <strong>ISignal</strong><a href="https://www.isignal.in/data-viz/dataviz-private-schools-show-better-outcomes-but-govt-schools-are-catching-up-965449"> </a><ins><a href="https://www.isignal.in/data-viz/dataviz-private-schools-show-better-outcomes-but-govt-schools-are-catching-up-965449">reported</a></ins> in August 2025.</p><p>In addition, private schooling is also associated with social status, Kulkarni said. “There is this tendency for the lower class to imitate the upper class. Wealthy people started sending their children to international or other English-medium schools. Then government employees started imitating them, and eventually even a person like a utensil seller thought that if his child went to such a school, the child's development would be better,” he said.</p><p><strong>Regulation and accountability</strong></p><p>The National Education<a href="https://static.pib.gov.in/WriteReadData/userfiles/NEP_Final_English_0.pdf"> </a><ins><a href="https://static.pib.gov.in/WriteReadData/userfiles/NEP_Final_English_0.pdf">Policy</a></ins> 2020 recognised the role of private and philanthropic schools but noted concerns over the commercialisation and economic exploitation of parents by some for-profit private schools.</p><p>The NITI Aayog<a href="https://www.niti.gov.in/sites/default/files/2026-05/School-Education-System-in-India.pdf"> </a><ins><a href="https://www.niti.gov.in/sites/default/files/2026-05/School-Education-System-in-India.pdf">report</a></ins> also raised concerns around quality, equity and regulation in the private sector, noting the absence of a national system for periodic accreditation, performance benchmarking and public disclosure of learning outcomes.</p><p>“Accountability is the most important issue. Teachers are getting a good salary, but is there continuous monitoring of their work? A teacher should know that if they don't do their work, there can be consequences,” Kulkarni said. “But in the government system, there is no such fear that their job will be affected. Accountability for teaching children is necessary. Is your salary linked to your performance? It is not.”&nbsp;</p><p>Roy also pointed to examples of government schools that are functioning well. “There are examples of good government schools. I know one school in the state, and it is so good that even during the summer holidays, the children continue to study there. Such examples should be promoted and appreciated," he said.</p><p><strong>ISignal</strong> has reached out to the Ministry of Education for comment on measures to change parents’ perceptions of government schools and improve school quality and learning outcomes. We will update this report when we receive a response.</p><p><br><br><em>This report is <ins><a href="https://www.isignal.in/education/why-4-in-10-indian-children-go-to-private-schools-988762">republished</a></ins> with permission from IndiaSpend, a data-driven, public-interest journalism non-profit. It has been lightly edited for style and clarity.</em></p>

2026/8/17
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‘Shadow ban’ fears at NALSAR after BCI seeks inquiry into CJI invite opposition

<p><strong>Vice-Chancellor Srikrishna Deva Rao earlier said the university would assess whether such an inquiry was permissible.</strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/YsY4Y6hD3U1yDmRyYOguDsMFl2HLFkzU_ztBWw207Kc/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvMzVvY205ZWIvdGhlbmV3c21pbnV0ZS0yMDI2LTA4LTE0LTlrczIxN2JtLTEuanBnLmpwZWcuYXZpZj9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZpdD1tYXgmZHByPTEuMCZmb3JtYXQ9d2VicA" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption>BCI Chairman Manan Kumar Mishra</figcaption></figure><iframe class="trinity-player trinity-iframe" src="https://trinitymedia.ai/player/trinity-i/2900013399/?pageURL=https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/08/14//shadow-ban-fears-at-nalsar-after-bci-seeks-inquiry-into-cji-invite-opposition&amp;readContentType=URL" style="border: 0; width: 100% !important; height: 90px !important" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe> <p>Following the Bar Council of India’s (BCI) statement that there would be an inquiry against students enrolled at Hyderabad’s National Academy of Legal Studies and Research (NALSAR) University of Law for opposing Chief Justice of India Surya Kant’s invitation at their annual convocation, NALSAR students expressed concern about how this could impact their careers.&nbsp;</p><p>On Thursday, the BCI had initially directed state bar councils not to enrol any students from NALSAR’s 2026 graduating batch as advocates. However, within a couple of hours of issuing the directive, the BCI issued a second letter to NALSAR Vice-Chancellor Professor Srikrishna Deva Rao and all state bar councils, rescinding its earlier order.&nbsp;</p><p>The BCI said it would, however, proceed with an inquiry based on a report from the NALSAR Vice-Chancellor before deciding whether to take action against students found responsible.</p><p>“The vast majority of the students of NALSAR (2026 pass-out students) are innocent and were not inclined to take part in the move of disrespect... It has further been reported by some reliable sources that a handful of teachers and outsiders were instrumental in instigating the innocent students,” BCI Chairman Manan Kumar Mishra said in the second letter.</p><p>However, Vice-Chancellor Srikrishna Deva Rao said the university would assess whether such an inquiry was permissible. “We would have to assess whether such an inquiry was a constitutional exercise of their powers,” the VC said. “In order to assist the University, assess whether conducting such an inquiry would be constitutional and permissible under the University’s governance regulations, the matter will be placed before the Executive Council of the University.” </p><p>Meanwhile, speaking to <em>The News Minute</em>, a student of the outgoing 2026 batch who was among those who signed the representation opposing the CJI’s visit said that the redacted statement from the BCI did little to assuage their fears. The student also took issue with the BCI’s letter dubbing students as ‘innocent’ and as a group that were ‘instigated’.&nbsp;</p><p>“We weren’t naive when we wrote to the NALSAR administration,” the student told <em>TNM</em>. “We haven’t been misled by anyone. We just did not want to accept our degree from a man who dubbed the youth of this country ‘cockroaches’,” the student said, adding that they just wanted to receive their degree from someone who ‘values free speech’ and ‘respects the Constitution.’</p><p>The student, requesting anonymity also told <em>TNM</em> that the BCI’s insistence on an enquiry did scare them. “For those of us who want to go into litigation, this is worrisome. But even for those who choose to go into corporate law, the BCI’s enquiry still matters as it has the potential to act as a shadow ban on hiring,” the student added. A shadow ban in hiring is when job boards silently limit the visibility of a job applicant without informing them.&nbsp;</p><p>Around 450 students at NALSAR had opposed the invitation to CJI Surya Kant to attend the university’s convocation, citing his remarks in July regarding police excesses during student protests.</p><p>During protests at Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, students were beaten by Delhi Police personnel. The CJI had declined to hear a petition concerning alleged police brutality against the protesting students, reportedly saying, “Don’t waste our time. We are not interested in videos, we don’t have time to watch.”</p><p>“We also sent the letter opposing the CJI’s invitation because he had said that watching videos on police brutality against students was a waste of time. We haven’t been and aren’t okay with this,” the student added.&nbsp;</p><p><br><em>This report was <ins><a href="https://www.thenewsminute.com/andhra-pradesh/andhra-pradeshpeddi-wants-the-anticaste-politics-of-tamil-cinema-but-without-its-progressive-vision">republished</a></ins> from The News Minute as part of The News Minute-Newslaundry alliance. Read about our partnership <ins><a href="https://www.newslaundry.com/2023/04/28/newslaundry-the-news-minute-alliance-for-more-public-interest-journalism">here</a></ins> and become a subscriber <ins><a href="https://www.thenewsminute.com/membership">here</a></ins>.</em></p>

2026/8/14
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‘Genuine’ vs ‘political’: The social media campaign pitting Ranchi protests against CJP

<p><strong>While many online posts pit the Jharkhand student protest against CJP’s protest as a benchmark of “purity”, the ground reality suggests shared solidarity.</strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/9VCOxR5CgSTNc3bVbLhgdLGIFKHcrJgwYgqF4L0Nx10/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvN2Y3NG94dGYvSkFOVEFSLVZTLUpIQVJLSEFORC5qcGc_YXV0bz1mb3JtYXQlMkNjb21wcmVzcyZmaXQ9bWF4JmRwcj0xLjAmZm9ybWF0PXdlYnA" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><p>As Jharkhand’s student protest against alleged irregularities in the Jharkhand Public Service Commission (JPSC) and Jharkhand Staff Selection Commission (JSSC) builds momentum in Ranchi, sections on social media have tried to cast it as the ‘genuine’ counterpart to the Cockroach Janta Party-led protest at Delhi's Jantar Mantar, the one ‘without foreign funding’ and ‘led by students’. Even when protesters on the ground, and the evidence itself, tell a different story of shared solidarity and mutual inspiration, not rivalry.&nbsp;</p><p>Using specific keywords, <em>Newslaundry </em>conducted searches across Facebook and X to track online discussions around the two protests.&nbsp;</p><p>This analysis<em> </em>identified recurring narratives praising the Jharkhand protest while contrasting it with CJP's month-long protest against the NEET-UG exam paper leak in Delhi that ended with Union education minister Dharmendra Pradhan’s resignation on July 25. The CJP protest faced allegations of foreign funding, political backing, ‘Azadi’ slogans and violence.</p><p><strong>Same accounts, different angle</strong></p><p>At least two posts followed identical templates and were traced back to accounts that had separately criticised CJP.&nbsp;</p><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F1584067620000574" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/eLZZy628IXxJmcmmBYB1FyO8fF5GC1eGd1mu09yd2A8/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvM3l3YmtkaWkvU2NyZWVuc2hvdC0yMDI2LTA4LTEzLWF0LTYuNTkuMzQtUE0ucG5nP2F1dG89Zm9ybWF0JTJDY29tcHJlc3MmZm9ybWF0PXdlYnA" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><p>One Facebook post read: “Student power is a wave of the people – no hooliganism, no shouting, no inflammatory statements, no stone-throwing, no anti-national talk. No abuse. Just students peacefully protesting for their rights, focused on student interests.” The post went on to allege that Jharkhand Police had “brutally lathi-charged” students and questioned why political leaders, including Rahul Gandhi, Akhilesh Yadav and Arvind Kejriwal, had remained silent.</p><p>The post was shared at least 20 times on Facebook between August 10 and 12. Different users shared the same template, accompanied by visuals of students marching through Ranchi.</p><p>The post never names CJP, but its checklist – peaceful, student-led, free of ‘anti-national’ slogans – reads as direct rebuttal to it.&nbsp;</p><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F1584067620000574%2F%3F__cft__%255B0%255D%3DAZahcUCU_HWK6kqfx4w-Zh4Sm507pXcaXJxiy0D747Q8veh1mt20E455uJMNT707npJpXIvKr7Os7nRWd4ETzzFScKQJ77HfjmTmt1jiEzhmNTnU1G9sEMgmUjUW3qxOL_AbfTgaLqH4d9WCt5NK5u7Gk-KT27McamulTk6XJkVTIpDMMdjrsq5EFRJl6GeCcbYBSwpj4CqepKZIn_sn61by%26__tn__%3D%252CO%252CP-R" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F1018445540966553%2F%3F__cft__%255B0%255D%3DAZbTcWHWK0BeGHQxCr1VBH04O4TJTbSmeVv1cRyB_0l7dLHwM53dzSzCYla_KZEgtL_8Rsy-LIgpJJPUX0JLRA1L_X6oCF8VjN4hHcwifjEw0ohf_mLLq3PVizfXtL1LNWFGLBCQW8C9jIuIDNlqj4Ga8LcLAbLlfXTper9kVm3QtPVCUOhs8IQHvzbX-bvKI7L3kv6j826-gFbMkz51B8ey%26__tn__%3D%252CO%252CP-R" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fpramod.jha.165%2Fposts%2Fpfbid02koHAgDw88uK1JNvh6Burw2EFrff6PYMWHTJMTM52ZJNHGuhuHGkXSc7UnAsXZihZl%3F__cft__%255B0%255D%3DAZav1HqoE44dWqcnAuR4dGHKryqKJ4endgH1n2Xn_s7xXedbz3uI8mS_sj6GzfPciH8oHtsW0qnQVg5DIDTHiBoBzfBhAQJeetAZfQpdEktl7irCbRdFWlh-Hnqf1ed0GcLDew4M4pR9mxiAt8ifbglK9UsMkc5Nx8pzfbdhmPHK7ZumD6Qtk3NFZ1Tn3kILbJk%26__tn__%3D%252CO%252CP-R" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F1370764181691794%2F%3F__cft__%255B0%255D%3DAZa06tJAea8eFgp2Xvr6WuH9R_HHCOzabP9RfeOfvRKL4uE4lCn-YZTzuoDfkF-xEg3DeN1hEUjAhDFrhGCN9_QACJi8c-rVM_dcN-7ahsmWDM_kS8P1lgr9-jQntNr5I_KmCTBYKgQy8Ch8BBamfsWwZdHwiBH41v04X1CTCJF3F_p-FTLWCGRvZ5hU2rnZj_E95g17blcki9_6QdpSn6R2%26__tn__%3D%252CO%252CP-R" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><p><em>Newslaundry </em>then tracked some of the accounts that had shared the post to examine whether they had also participated in online discussions around the CJP protest. The same Facebook users were found to have posted content criticising or questioning the legitimacy of the CJP protest in Delhi.</p><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fdeep.prakash.519786%2Fposts%2Fpfbid0mxSka5zgWqLFzqXjawvHWtsaGXNr893gPxBcJTrH6H4nEvG2QnuWS3YpAafguqd3l" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=http%3A%2F%2Ffacebook.com%2Freel%2F1790670488588250%2F%3F__cft__%255B0%255D%3DAZaD-rZH0qYxil5-D6pogSal1Qa6i6m0CWBY34NVEjNiaBVjhpfehOCVB9RLDVW5-g4MNNQJD5AMsTa0ccQFOSMmIfMwo9pyJ3iNWhCaHfmk27mdYjM7IzEEdhtUDNKm_7MOMPt-NlqPefmYt4y_5O9HvR63-ec63k3att1n3FTZobp5qJcYEhx-ylxTVtTQ46Jalf5S6k1DkjOAppcwMbyx%26__tn__%3D%252CO%252CP-R" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=http%3A%2F%2Ffacebook.com%2Freel%2F1069668865409327%2F" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fbhageshwar.kumar.18%2Fposts%2Fpfbid02rFzJoxfYQmjxLpWwG2w3redsXnTU3DcXvVq4sG6vyH94mZvUUsoE46a8er1cFiGkl" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><p>Some users warned Jharkhand students against being “dissuaded” by CJP leaders or AISA (All India Students’ Association) activists, alleging that their involvement would serve political interests. Others criticised women who had participated in the Jantar Mantar protest. Several posts described the CJP protest as part of an “old ecosystem” comprising Left leaders, opposition politicians and political commentators.</p><p>Past statements by CJP spokesperson Saurav Das, including his 2020 criticism of the Citizenship Amendment Act, were circulated by users questioning his political “allegiance”.</p><p>These posts do not always explicitly compare the two protests, but the contrast is consistently hinted at: Jharkhand as ‘genuine’ and student-led, CJP as political, disruptive and foreign-funded.&nbsp;</p><p><strong>‘No foreign funding’, ‘no Azadi slogans’</strong></p><p>Another recurring narrative centred on the phrases “no foreign funding” and “no <em>Azadi</em> slogans” while discussing the Jharkhand protest on social media. <em>Newslaundry </em>tracked at least 20 posts between August 3 and 10 that followed similar language and used recurring phrases.</p><p>Most of these posts followed a similar template: “Well done Jharkhand. The whole of India is watching and listening to you. No foreign funding, no political slogans, no insult to Bharat, Hindus or Hindu Gods, no hatred or unparliamentary language used against the PM.”</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/6NQlAWsDRp4Da-2PjKY6akr7v1dQ7-ZIyWjuz0B5HWc/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvemszdzMzd2svU2NyZWVuc2hvdC0yMDI2LTA4LTE0LWF0LTEyLjA1LjU0LVBNLnBuZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/XCsD6vdmi7peIORPazbS-JXdM_Y87Y4B4hlmgCZziiU/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvY2k3cDcxNnEvU2NyZWVuc2hvdC0yMDI2LTA4LTE0LWF0LTEyLjA3LjA5LVBNLnBuZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/remCOk_4AkdSCEvXh8MD9VwPtIfklP115flzlU6AR9A/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvZWp3c2diMmovU2NyZWVuc2hvdC0yMDI2LTA4LTE0LWF0LTEyLjA3LjQ2LVBNLnBuZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Well Done Jharkhand 👍<br> India is listening .🙏<br>No foreign Funding, No Azadi Slogan, No Insult to Hindus or the Nation, Just Students Demanding Fair and Transparent JPSC &amp; JSSC CGL Exams. 👌👍 <a href="https://t.co/SGKYii4xAg">pic.twitter.com/SGKYii4xAg</a></p>— Prince Mishra 🚩🚩 (@PrinceM40609955) <a href="https://x.com/PrinceM40609955/status/2086519983551783023?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 9, 2026</a></blockquote> <figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/CXYOGG9Yf_K9bv2WTPubE0lrVyDGaHg1Xa0bP-ip4sw/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvZ2JjNDBiZXIvU2NyZWVuc2hvdC0yMDI2LTA4LTE0LWF0LTEyLjA5LjA2LVBNLnBuZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><p>Additionally, a post shared by Facebook page <em><ins><a href="https://www.facebook.com/bharatdefencehindi/photos/1500256318784376/">Bharat Defence Hindi</a></ins></em> on August 4 showed an image of students holding up a tent in the rain with the text: “No Foreign Funding, No Azadi Slogans, No Disrespect to Hindus, Not Even a Proper Tent. We stand with students of Jharkhand.” The post, which gathered 5,800 likes and was shared 671 times, used an image that was AI-enhanced (as suggested by AI-detection tool <ins><a href="https://hivedetect.ai/fiyFfi">Hive Moderation</a></ins>).&nbsp;</p><p>The posts did not directly mention CJP. However, the phrases they used, particularly “foreign funding” and “Azadi slogans”, also featured in the online discourse around the CJP-led protest in Delhi. The vocabulary overlaps with the one used to attack CJP.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p>While the allegation about foreign funding has circulated in mainstream television coverage and across social media, there was no publicly available government order, investigation report or other official finding establishing that CJP received foreign funding at the time of writing this report. On July 24, Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal, when asked about the matter, <ins><a href="https://www.instagram.com/reel/DbNI3VOobXz/">said</a></ins>: “I do not have any information on this matter to share with you at this time.”</p><p>Several posts praising the Jharkhand protesters pointed to the absence of <em>“Azadi”</em> slogans as evidence that their protest was different from CJP. However, the CJP leadership had distanced the protest from such slogans and urged protesters to avoid them. The leadership had approved four slogans for the protest: “Inquilab Zindabad”, “Jai Bheem”, “Bharat Mata ki Jai” and “Dharmendra Pradhan Istifa Do”. Addressing protesters on July 22, CJP spokesperson Ashutosh Ranka said that negative slogans should be avoided because “they are looking for a chance to make a narrative”.</p><p>The online distinction between the two protests becomes more complicated when compared with accounts from the protest site.</p><p>CJP founder Abhijeet Dipke <ins><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/jharkhand/dipke-condemns-police-action-against-fasting-student-leader-in-jharkhand/article71331290.ece">condemned</a></ins> the police action against Jharkhand students, calling for an impartial inquiry and accountability. Dipke also reiterated that he was not physically present in Jharkhand and said he did not want to “hijack” the protest. He acknowledged that CJP volunteers were present in Ranchi and had joined the protest. Contrary to some claims circulating online, CJP leadership did publicly condemn the crackdown by the Jharkhand Police.</p><p>Protesters on the ground also acknowledged CJP’s involvement, but did not necessarily see it as an attempt to take over the protest.&nbsp;</p><p>Vimal Kumar, a Ranchi University student who is part of the JPSC-JSSC Abhyarthi Nyay Manch, told <em>Newslaundry </em>that CJP volunteers supported the protesters, participated in a press conference with them and joined the protest at Jaipal Singh Munda Stadium.</p><p>“CJP volunteers showed support and did a press conference with us. I also joined and sat with them,” he said. He added that anyone who wanted to support the students was welcome at the protest site.</p><p>“All student demands and protests should be heard and not pitted against each other,” he said. “We are not a political party. The main aim is to bring significant change in the state and not be wary of such small things.”</p><p>Binay Kumar, who is associated with the JPSC-JSSC Reforms Manch, spoke to Newslaundry and said, “Our goal is simple. We want reforms. Anyone is welcome to support our movement and nobody is being asked to leave. However, we will not allow any political or casteist statements to be made from our stage. Our student movement should not be deviated because of outside forces. CJP volunteers have visited the protest site.”&nbsp;</p><p>More significantly, Vimal said that the protest in Delhi inspired them. “We had been angry for a long time because of these problems with the JPSC. The Delhi protest was able to take the resignation of a Union minister. Its peak gave us some positive energy and we kept at it,” he said, adding that the protesters would continue until their demands were fulfilled.</p><p>Binay echoed this, pointing to CJP’s success in forcing Pradhan’s resignation as a source of continued motivation.&nbsp;</p><p>Chandan Rajak, another protester associated with the JPSC-JSSC Abhyarthi Nyay Manch, said, “The way people turned up at Jantar Mantar was a calling for us. I have been a part of many protests in the past but the way the crowd has turned up in Ranchi to support our cause is historic. We were able to take inspiration from CJP’s protest in Delhi in the way to organise protest, mobilise the crowd and put our demands forward.”&nbsp;</p><p>Vimal also rejected the idea that the peaceful nature of the Jharkhand protest should be used to distinguish it from the Delhi protest.&nbsp;</p><p>“Everyone is peaceful in Jharkhand and that’s our aim. Our protest is on the principles of Mahatma Gandhi,” he said. Referring to the police action during the CJP protest, he added that even if a small number of people became violent amid a large turnout, the police response was disproportionate. “Police action is wrong everywhere,” he said.</p><p>Vimal alleged that Jharkhand students also faced a police crackdown at night and that electricity was cut during the protest. “Authorities need to listen to the movement,” he said. The comparison between the two protests, he added, was “given in the wrong context”.&nbsp;</p><p>Rajak added that there was no need to compare two student protests. He said, “This is a way to deviate from the real issue which is that demands are met.”</p><p>These accounts suggest CJP’s protest influenced some Jharkhand protesters – but influence isn’t control. The two movements had distinct grievances and leadership, while CJP volunteers offered support that protesters said they welcomed.&nbsp;</p><p><strong>The blame game</strong></p><p>Police action against protesters has become another point of comparison between the CJP-led protest in Delhi and the ongoing student protest in Jharkhand. Both protests encountered police action, and in both cases, protesters and their supporters accused the police of excessive force, while authorities cited violence or attempts to breach barricades as justification for their actions.</p><p>During the July 20 “Chalo Sansad” march organised by the CJP, police used tear gas and lathis as protesters attempted to move towards Parliament. According to several media reports, around 100 protesters and 120 security personnel were injured; an RTI response from two Delhi hospitals also alleged pellet-gun use by the Rapid Action Force, injuring about 10 protesters.&nbsp;</p><p>Several opposition leaders, including Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav and Aam Aadmi Party chief Arvind Kejriwal, also condemned the police action. Delhi Police, meanwhile, maintained that smaller groups of protesters became violent and attempted to march towards Parliament, prompting the use of force.</p><p>A similar debate emerged after police action against Jharkhand students on August 10. Police used lathis, tear gas and water cannons as protesters marched towards the state assembly. Several protesters were injured, according to a report in <em><ins><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/jharkhand/jharkhand-exam-protests-enter-19th-day-students-vow-to-intensify-agitation/article71335234.ece">The Hindu</a></ins></em>, with one protester telling <em><ins><a href="https://www.aninews.in/news/national/politics/at-least-100-youth-subjected-to-lathicharges-injured-protester-condemns-police-crackdown-during-ranchi-protest-march20260811035145/">ANI </a></ins></em>that at least 100 young people were lathi-charged.&nbsp;</p><p>On social media, users described the protesters as peaceful students and questioned why they had been subjected to police violence. Some also questioned the silence of the CJP and parties such as the Congress – which shares power with the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) in the state – and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) over the crackdown in Ranchi.</p><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F1385475570219667" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F3594003764086717" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F1034829829141049" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F1054800223969861" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/9E0R_dBibAeIKib7ccxs1HpoGfqXj2mJjCFQyTgEjV8/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvbDBwNG1rMzAvU2NyZWVuc2hvdC0yMDI2LTA4LTE0LWF0LTEyLjExLjQ3LVBNLnBuZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Frajeshp.us%2Fposts%2Fpfbid0mTqDiDtq81SBEbjqxEjdXgxwQAzxF81ChhqAjK7meHFhvRwccuPF55Vjspsy3EsWl" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Are they terrorists? Are they criminals? Were they involved in violence?<br><br>No, they were students... <br><br>And yet this is how <a href="https://x.com/RahulGandhi?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@RahulGandhi</a>'s Jharkhand Police treated the students...... <a href="https://t.co/8tuvXQfOjX">pic.twitter.com/8tuvXQfOjX</a></p>— Mr Sinha (@Mrsinha) <a href="https://x.com/Mrsinha/status/2086733548191387816?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 10, 2026</a></blockquote> <p>But the comparison became more complicated as competing claims about violence during the Jharkhand protest emerged online.</p><p>Leader of Opposition Rahul Gandhi took to <ins><a href="https://x.com/RahulGandhi/status/2086789641072710008?s=20">X</a></ins> on August 10 and wrote: “The use of force against students protesting in Jharkhand is wrong. Students have a right to peaceful protest, and only dialogue can yield solutions. The Jharkhand government must continue to hear these students out and resolve their issues immediately.”</p><p>Some social media users, meanwhile, claimed that people affiliated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) had “hijacked” the protest and indulged in violence. To illustrate this, a video of a clash showing two men atop a bus throwing something in the air with BJP flags being hoisted in Ranchi was presented as footage from August 10.&nbsp;</p><blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="hi" dir="ltr">क्या यह झारखंड में छात्रों का विरोध प्रदर्शन है ? <br>छात्रों के विरोध प्रदर्शन के दौरान किसी राजनीतिक दल का झंडा क्यों इस्तेमाल किया जा रहा है ?<br><br>भाजपा के अंधभक्तों ने छात्र आंदोलन को हाईजैक कर लिया और उसका राजनीतिकरण कर दिया है।<a href="https://x.com/JmmJharkhand?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@JmmJharkhand</a> <a href="https://x.com/HemantSorenJMM?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@HemantSorenJMM</a> <a href="https://x.com/INCJharkhand_?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">@INCJharkhand_</a> <a href="https://t.co/b9acsSz6ny">pic.twitter.com/b9acsSz6ny</a></p>— Advocate Sanjeev Kumar Singh (@Advocat64625996) <a href="https://x.com/Advocat64625996/status/2086859935007313942?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 10, 2026</a></blockquote> <blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">BJP hijacks student protest. <br><br>They want to destroy everything that's peaceful.<a href="https://x.com/hashtag/Jharkhand?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#Jharkhand</a> <a href="https://x.com/hashtag/StudentsProtest?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#StudentsProtest</a> <a href="https://x.com/hashtag/ChhatronKiGoonj?src=hash&amp;ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">#ChhatronKiGoonj</a> <a href="https://t.co/YTc6HwSb6R">pic.twitter.com/YTc6HwSb6R</a></p>— India With Congress (@UWCforYouth) <a href="https://x.com/UWCforYouth/status/2086837264974553381?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 10, 2026</a></blockquote> <blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="nl" dir="ltr">Jharkhand <a href="https://t.co/45TbhnxUwQ">pic.twitter.com/45TbhnxUwQ</a></p>— We Dravidians (@WeDravidians) <a href="https://x.com/WeDravidians/status/2087050880449409166?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 11, 2026</a></blockquote> <iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F2172452399981616" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><p><em>Newslaundry </em>found that the video was from an unrelated Vidhan Sabha march. We traced the same footage to the news agency <em>IANS</em>, which published it on July 23.</p><blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Ranchi, Jharkhand: During a Congress protest at the BJP office over the NEET paper leak and the lathi charge on students, eggs and tomatoes were thrown, along with demands regarding the position of Union Minister Dharmendra Pradhan. <a href="https://t.co/OCgDRIBlPS">pic.twitter.com/OCgDRIBlPS</a></p>— IANS (@ians_india) <a href="https://x.com/ians_india/status/2080207036776870174?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">July 23, 2026</a></blockquote> <p>According to <em>IANS</em>, Congress workers had protested outside the BJP office in Ranchi over the NEET paper leak and demanded the resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan. The demonstration escalated into a clash between Congress and BJP supporters, during which eggs and tomatoes were thrown and police resorted to lathi-charge. In other words, the footage did not show BJP-affiliated individuals hijacking the protest.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p><ins><a href="https://x.com/ians_india/status/2080207036776870174">Other reports</a></ins> from the day also described pushing and shoving between workers of the two parties, followed by a clash involving eggs, stones and sticks. The incident took place amid a wider political confrontation in Ranchi. A day earlier, BJP workers had surrounded the Jharkhand Pradesh Congress office over allegations concerning serious irregularities in the JPSC and Jharkhand Staff Selection Commission (JSCC). Congress subsequently announced a protest outside the BJP office, leading to the July 23 confrontation.</p><p>However, this does not mean that there was no violence during the August 10 student protest. Witness accounts and the Ranchi police’s version indicate that some stone-pelting did take place. Ranchi SP Paras Rana told <em>Newslaundry </em>that protesters pelted stones and slippers at security personnel, causing minor injuries to some officers. He said two police personnel suffered head injuries requiring five to eight stitches, while several others sustained minor injuries. Rana also alleged that some protesters concealed stones inside journalists’ microphone covers and threw them towards the police.</p><p><strong>The recycled footage</strong></p><p>Another strand of the online narrative sought to portray the Jharkhand students as being denied access to opposition leaders. Several posts claimed that students from Jharkhand had reached Rahul Gandhi’s residence in Delhi to meet him, only to be removed by police. One post said: <em>“Today, when students from Jharkhand came to meet Rahul Gandhi at his residence, the police were called.”&nbsp;</em></p><p>An X page called Ocean Jain with 261,000 followers, which is often found sharing pro-Modi government content, posted this clip on August 7.&nbsp;</p><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Freel%2F2244426696396329" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fwatch%2F%3Fv%3D1736876920834907" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="hi" dir="ltr">आज झारखंड के छात्र राहुल गांधी से मिलने उसके आवास पर आए , तो पुलिस बुला ली गई <br><br>यही राहुल गेंडी जब प्रधानमंत्री जी के आवास के बाहर बैठ गया था तब चमचों को अंदर घुसने की आजादी चाहिए थी <a href="https://t.co/JxnRcwxpqr">pic.twitter.com/JxnRcwxpqr</a></p>— ocean jain (@ocjain4) <a href="https://x.com/ocjain4/status/2085659479891472619?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 7, 2026</a></blockquote> <figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/NLDXlNzsOWEnEgWCPLHZoh2iTAoLQYb1PdX6WimaXjQ/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTQvNXFiYThpMXAvU2NyZWVuc2hvdC0yMDI2LTA4LTE0LWF0LTEyLjE2LjQ0LVBNLnBuZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><iframe src="https://www.facebook.com/plugins/post.php?width=552&amp;height=500&amp;href=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.facebook.com%2Fwatch%2F%3Fv%3D1056292230485574" width="552" height="500" style="border:none;overflow:hidden" scrolling="no" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" allow="autoplay; clipboard-write; encrypted-media; picture-in-picture; web-share" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><p><em>Newslaundry </em>traced the footage to two unrelated incidents outside Gandhi’s residence. The first was an August 7<em> <ins><a href="https://www.etvbharat.com/en/bharat/sadhus-protest-outside-rahuls-residence-allege-their-attire-symbols-used-inappropriately-enn26080703228">ETV Bharat</a></ins> </em>report on sadhus protesting against an earlier demonstration in Parliament where opposition leaders were accused of misusing religious symbols. The second was a separate protest by women over allegations that money had been taken in exchange for Congress election tickets. Both groups were detained by Delhi Police, and neither involved students from Jharkhand. But the footage was later recirculated online as evidence that Jharkhand students had been turned away from meeting Gandhi.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><blockquote class="twitter-tweet"><p lang="en" dir="ltr">Delhi: A woman, accompanied by her children, staged a protest outside Lok Sabha LoP Rahul Gandhi's residence, alleging that money was taken in exchange for an election ticket. She accused close associates of Congress MPs Priyanka Gandhi Vadra and Rahul Gandhi in the matter.… <a href="https://t.co/M44tGQeOCu">pic.twitter.com/M44tGQeOCu</a></p>— IANS (@ians_india) <a href="https://x.com/ians_india/status/2085579841076932686?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">August 7, 2026</a></blockquote> <p>Ultimately, the binary being drawn on social media collapses under closer scrutiny. The foreign funding allegation has no official finding behind it. CJP’s own leadership discouraged the “Azadi” slogans. And the visual “evidence” of BJP hijacking or police blocking opposition leaders turned out to be unrelated and outdated footage. On the ground, protesters in Ranchi described the two protests not as rivals but as one drawing energy from the other.</p><p><em><strong>Correction:</strong> An earlier version incorrectly described one of the images as AI-generated. It was only AI-enhanced. The error has been corrected.</em></p>

2026/8/14
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A day inside a Delhi SIR camp: Forms, confusion and long days

<p><strong>The Election Commission has extended the deadline to submit forms to August 17. </strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/2FURM1muegnf87CCd4020BOhaiomb0mkRSAShKdW_vY/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvd2M3anVuYWsvS2h1aHNpLVNJUi1BSS5qcGcuanBlZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZpdD1tYXgmZHByPTEuMCZmb3JtYXQ9d2VicA" alt="A cutout of a voter with a picture of a form in the background." referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/u_6TpBKIl3o" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><figcaption><a href="https://youtu.be/u_6TpBKIl3o" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Watch on YouTube</a></figcaption></figure><p>Delhi is currently undergoing the Special Intensive Revision of electoral rolls, with the Election Commission extending the deadline to submit forms to August 17. Booth Level Officers are handling everything from distributing and collecting forms to digitising the data. To make the process easier, some local residents have set up small camps in their homes to help people fill out and submit their forms.&nbsp;</p><p>We visited one such camp, where voters faced several challenges in understanding and completing the process.</p><p>For many, SIR has emerged as a confusing exercise. Some also expressed fears that they could lose their citizenship because of the process. The term ‘relative’ used in the form has added to the confusion, with voters, volunteers, and even some polling officials unsure about how it should be interpreted.</p><p>Abida, who is unhappy with the government and no longer votes, came to the camp after people told her that failing to fill out the form could get her expelled from Delhi. “Even if I fill out the form, will you stop the demolition?” she asked us.</p><p>What happens at these camps through the day, and what are voters saying about SIR?&nbsp;</p><p><br><em>Your support keeps news free.&nbsp;<a href="https://pages.razorpay.com/nl-1947">Get a 6-month subscription at Rs 1947</a>. Or gift it to your friends or relatives.</em></p>

2026/8/13
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The crisis after the flood in Assam villages: Lost livestock, missed crop, and wait for aid

<p><strong>The July 19 floods devastated upper Assam, with Sivasagar among the worst-hit districts. The road to recovery is long as families try to rebuild.</strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/kGGL0bEqdwo7pOJybIpQKkQoPKapUMb7_lgVVJ3Obw0/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvb3YxcDgwdGsvb3B0aW9uLTEuanBnP2F1dG89Zm9ybWF0JTJDY29tcHJlc3MmZml0PW1heCZkcHI9MS4wJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption> (Sanskrita Bharadwaj)</figcaption></figure><iframe class="trinity-player trinity-iframe" src="https://trinitymedia.ai/player/trinity-i/2900013399/?pageURL=https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/08/13//the-crisis-after-the-flood-in-assam-villages-lost-livestock-missed-crop-and-wait-for-aid&amp;readContentType=URL" style="border: 0; width: 100% !important; height: 90px !important" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe> <p>When the floodwaters rose around their home in Rajapul on July 19, Bandana Buragohain had no way of getting out on her own.</p><p>The 70-year-old clung to the back of a man from her village as he waded into the current. At one point, the force of the water pushed him backwards. A couple of other boys came and helped carry her to a nearby house with a terrace, where around 30 others had already taken shelter.</p><p>“I somehow managed to stay alive. I could have died,” she recalled.</p><p>Rajapul, in the Nazira subdivision of Sivasagar district, was among the areas caught in the path of what several reports have <ins><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/assam/a-flood-of-woes-in-assam/article71324998.ece">described</a></ins> as one of Assam's worst localised floods since the 1950s. After days of heavy rain across the region, including 137 mm recorded over eight to nine hours in the neighbouring hills of <ins><a href="https://www.youtube.com/shorts/qwpXyQ_NOsk">Nagaland</a></ins>, a sudden rush of water moved downstream into the plains on July 19, sending the Dikhow, Disang and Janji, rivers that eventually meet the Brahmaputra, above extreme flood levels within hours and engulfing settlements before families could evacuate. The same rainfall triggered multiple landslides in Nagaland’s Mon district, killing nine people.</p><p>The death toll climbed to 100, with more than 2.12 lakh people affected across Sivasagar, Charaideo, Jorhat and Golaghat districts. Livestock losses were extensive, and 17,198 hectares of agricultural land were submerged. Within Sivasagar district, Nepali Khuti in Bihubar emerged as the epicentre of the disaster, with more than 300 families left destitute. <ins><a href="https://www.youtube.com/shorts/5DoxCohIyYk">Videos</a></ins> from the village showed bodies being recovered from beneath layers of silt.</p><p>Weeks on, the water has drained out of most of Sivasagar, but little else has been restored. For families in the affected villages, the livestock is gone, the sowing window has passed, and many still wait for cash assistance.</p><p><strong>In Rajapul: ‘No other way of earning’</strong></p><p>Bandana lives with her husband, Motiram Buragohain, 72, in a mud house that now bears the marks of the flood. Halfway up the blue mud walls, a brown waterline marks how high the floodwaters rose inside the house.&nbsp;</p><p>The Buragohains have seven daughters. After the waters receded, almost a week later, one of their daughters travelled down from the nearby town where she lives with her husband. She spent hours clearing thick layers of mud and silt from the house and wiping down its blue mud walls with cow dung. But the house is still not fully clean. “It has been a task to clean it. It requires a lot of labour,” Bandana says.</p><p>Almost everything inside was destroyed. The kitchen was badly damaged. Whatever little furniture they had was washed away. Only a wooden bed remained, though its mattress was ruined.</p><p>Outside, the losses were just as stark. The couple’s livelihood depended largely on the paddy they grew. Much of it is now buried beneath layers of mud, soil and silt. With the next sowing window already passing, they say there is little chance of recovering the crop this year. They also lost most of their livestock. Around 35 chickens and 25 ducks were swept away. Of their three cows, only one survived.</p><p>The vegetables and leafy greens they grew were mostly enough to feed themselves, while they sold a small surplus of rice, around 10 kg of grain, to bring in some income. “We have no other way of earning,” she says.</p><p>Bandana’s experience was not an isolated one. In her ward, all 48 families – around 300 to 400 people – were affected by the flood.</p><p>Only two houses in the locality had terraces. For three nights, residents from across the locality sought shelter on the terraces of those two houses as the water rose around them.</p><p>The signs of destruction were everywhere. Several rooms in some houses remained covered in mud, while broken tin roofs lay on the ground around the houses. Mattresses, sofa covers and clothes lay strewn across courtyards, some spread out to dry, others left behind because they were too damaged to salvage.</p><p>On the muddy paths through the locality, residents had laid out damaged clothes and pillows so they could step on them rather than sink their feet into the thick sludge.</p><p><strong>A disaster in the making&nbsp;</strong></p><p>Geologist Bijoy Krishna Chetia distinguishes between the flooding of the Janji river, which he said was associated more directly with intense rainfall, and the sudden flooding of the Dikhow river. “In Dikhow, there were flash floods, a sudden flood,” he said.</p><p>One possibility, he said, is that the Dikhow carried large amounts of material from the hills in Nagaland, including debris from landslides, disrupting the natural flow of the river. “The Dikhow brought along contents and parts of the hills,” he said.</p><p>But Chetia said other possibilities also need to be investigated, including the impact of mining and deforestation in the upstream catchment. Open-cast mining can leave large excavated areas in the landscape where water may accumulate, he said.&nbsp;</p><p>At Rajapul, which too, is situated close to the Assam-Nagaland border, this reporter saw sections of the hills around Naginimora in Nagaland cut away, exposing large stretches of the slopes.&nbsp;</p><p>However, Chetia cautioned that he had not visited the mining areas himself and could not establish whether mining contributed to the flooding in this particular case.</p><p>In 2019, former Nazira MLA and senior Congress leader Debabrata Saikia <ins><a href="https://www.telegraphindia.com/north-east/man-made-disaster-former-lop-blames-rampant-illegal-mining-for-floods-in-4-upper-assam-districts-prnt/cid/2172776">filed</a></ins> a <ins><a href="https://indiankanoon.org/doc/57964518/">PIL</a></ins> in the Gauhati High Court challenging illegal sand and stone extraction along the Dikhow river. The petition cited regulatory lapses and argued that unchecked mining was contributing to flooding. The court subsequently directed the Assam government to establish a specialised Mines and Minerals Task Force Battalion to curb illegal mining. Opposition leaders have since alleged that the directive was not properly implemented.&nbsp;</p><p>Researchers, Chetia said, need to investigate whether the sudden flow was caused by landslide and debris movement, water accumulation associated with mining, or a combination of factors.</p><p>Deforestation and other changes to the hills can also affect how rainfall moves downstream. An intact hill can absorb and retain rainfall and release water gradually. When that landscape is disturbed, much more water can run off rapidly into downstream rivers, Chetia explained.</p><p>“The ecological balance needs to be maintained. The watershed has been destroyed due to deforestation, mining, urbanisation projects and unscientific infrastructural projects,” Chetia added.&nbsp;</p><p>But the factors amplifying the flood were not confined to the hills. Downstream, decades of interventions have also changed the way water moves across the Assam plains.</p><p>“There were a lot of factors that led to the inundation of the area,” said Mirza Zulfiqur Rahman, a researcher on the Brahmaputra river basin. Weak embankments gave way in several places, he said, while the degradation of wetlands had removed some of the landscape’s natural capacity to absorb excess water.</p><p>“It would be wrong to say that one factor led to this,” Rahman said. “It’s the culmination of factors that led to this kind of a disaster.”</p><p>The natural drainage of the region has also been altered over decades, he said. Roads, highways and embankments have increasingly cut across the pathways through which water would naturally flow towards the Brahmaputra.&nbsp;</p><p>The result, he said, is a landscape increasingly trapped in a cycle of destructive floods.</p><p>This disaster, Rahman said, was decades in the making, and the government cannot find an overnight solution. Building more roads or embankments risks repeating the same cycle if the larger river system and floodplain are not properly understood, he added.&nbsp;</p><p>Communities need better preparation to reduce loss of life and suffering, Rahman said, “while the Brahmaputra basin needs greater investment in research and a more scientific understanding of how its rivers and floodplains are changing.”</p><p><strong>Wait for cash assistance</strong></p><p>Stories like Bandana’s are common across Rajapul. Archana Borthakur, who runs a small eatery, had opened her shop that day, not expecting the floodwaters to reach such levels. A divorced single mother, she depends on the eatery for her livelihood and lives with her child, brother and sister-in-law.</p><p>The shop was completely damaged, while the family’s pucca house was also badly affected. They are still cleaning it out. The family also lost all their livestock, while their scooter and another vehicle were severely damaged.</p><p>Enakshi Dutta, founder-director of Guwahati-based non-profit Roots to Branches Foundation, which has been working with affected communities on the ground, said the declining number of people in relief camps should not be taken as a sign that the situation is improving. People are moving between relief camps and their homes, she said, but many are returning to houses without belongings, crops or livestock.</p><p>With the sowing window already gone, Dutta said recovery would require more than immediate relief. “Families are already spending whatever savings they had on cleaning their homes and rebuilding, leaving them with little cash to restart their livelihoods.”</p><p>Dutta suggested a cash-for-work programme that could pay families for rebuilding their homes and communities, alongside support for food and livelihoods. Materials such as tin sheets and clothes are useful, she said, but cash may allow families to decide what they need most. The government’s Rs 15,000 assistance is helpful, she said, but inadequate given the scale of the losses. “Food insecurity and cash shortage will be the main things,” she said. “They will stay.”</p><p>So far, the government’s immediate relief has included kits containing rice, oil, salt, lentils and clothes. Many residents in Rajapul said they had received the kits, but the Rs 15,000 cash assistance had not reached everyone.</p><p>Paran Borthakur, Archana's brother, said some families in another ward were still waiting for the cash transfer, while some had received as much as Rs 30,000. In his ward, however, he said all affected families had received the cash assistance.</p><p>The uneven distribution of assistance is something Dutta also observed on the ground. Some affected communities are receiving more help than others, she said, and government agencies, NGOs and other stakeholders need to coordinate better to ensure relief reaches people according to their needs.&nbsp;</p><p>The impact extended to other villages. In Khanikar Gaon in Ligiripukhuri of Nazira subdivision in Sivasagar, this reporter found 62 affected families gathered outside one of the least-damaged houses to collect relief supplies.</p><p>Umesh Gogoi, 65, said floodwaters rose to his chest inside his home, forcing him, his wife, son, daughter-in-law and granddaughter to take shelter on the terrace of a nearby house for four days before moving to a relief camp.</p><p>Gogoi, who depends on paddy farming, said his entire crop was destroyed. The 65-year-old said he had never seen flooding of this scale in the area. “This was <em>boliya</em> paani,” he said, using the Assamese expression for “mad” or “crazy” water.&nbsp;</p><p>The flood has also made it difficult even to assess the damage to his fields. “If we go to our fields now, we won't be able to come out,” he said, referring to the deep mud and layers of silt left behind. He broke down as he spoke about having no way to grow the crop again.</p><p>The damage extended across Sivasagar district, including the historic Sivasagar town. Water remained stagnant in several parts of the town, with no clear outlet for it to drain. Chetia said rainwater was getting trapped because the highway is built at a higher elevation, while much of the town is low-lying, restricting natural drainage.&nbsp;</p><p>Lakhima Panging, a teacher whose husband works in the ONGC's fire department, has lived in the colony since 2006. She said rainwater entered the colony on July 18 but receded by the following day. From the evening of July 19, however, the water began rising again. It entered their quarters and rose by around two to three feet. Panging pointed to the marks left on the walls as evidence of how high it had reached.&nbsp;</p><p>The family had to leave their home and stay with relatives until the water receded. Their car was also badly damaged in the flood and, she said, it cannot be repaired.</p><p>Calls to Revenue and Disaster Management Additional Chief Secretary L S Changsan, Chief Secretary Ravi Kota, and Minister Keshab Mahanta went unanswered. <em>Newslaundry</em> has sent them questions on WhatsApp. This report will be updated if a response is received.&nbsp;</p><p>Meanwhile, back in Rajapul, Bandana Buragohain prepares rice and lentils on an earthen stove outside, her kitchen having been completely damaged in the flood. The government and relief material would help for a few weeks, she says. “Then? What? What will we eat? How will we restart our lives?”&nbsp;</p><p><br><em>Your support keeps news free. <a href="https://pages.razorpay.com/nl-1947">Get a 6-month subscription at Rs 1947</a>. Or gift it to your friends or relatives.</em></p>

2026/8/13
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The rise of the ‘teen wife’: When young marriage becomes social media content

<p><strong>The teenage wife or young wife lifestyle is gaining momentum worldwide. But beneath the apparent domestic bliss lies a more complicated story – of girlhood giving way to marriage, of social media turning private choices into public performance, and of boundaries blurring between consent, vulnerability, and agency.</strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/BP_Nceos4-eTJGeSqo7uVkhtil_7Cqqo_BrvlUPkenc/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvbmdmbjRxYXIvdGhlbmV3c21pbnV0ZTIwMjYtMDgtMTE5YXJrZjVrMVdoYXRzQXBwLUltYWdlLTIwMjYtMDgtMTEtYXQtMTUuNTIuNDguYXZpZj9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZpdD1tYXgmZHByPTEuMCZmb3JtYXQ9d2VicA" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption>Representative image of a young woman filming herself (Nikhil Sekhar)</figcaption></figure><p>“I was 15 and Amal was 21 when we felt a romantic spark. For three years, we continued to be in a relationship, but my parents went to the police and tried to separate us. It was at that point that I decided to elope with him,” says Pooja, who hails from Kerala, in a recent&nbsp;<ins><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ykoFu8ZvTec&amp;t=107s">interview.</a></ins>&nbsp;</p><p>Pooja, now 19, married Amal last year. The couple say they are sure of each other and the life they have chosen. Pooja eloped from her grandmother’s house, where her parents had put her up as she was writing her school exams. She says her family was also planning to send her away from Kerala for studies so that she would not be able to see Amal.</p><p>“Amal and I lived in the same neighbourhood. We met at a wedding. He saw me, and then he tried to pursue me. He is good-looking and persistent. I felt I would be happy,” Pooja is seen saying in several interviews.</p><p>The couple was apprehensive about speaking to <em>TNM</em>, worried that extensive coverage might adversely impact them. However, they say, if Pooja’s family had not threatened them, they may not have married so soon. They now live at Amal’s home with his parents.</p><p>The couple has a YouTube channel with over 90.6k subscribers. The first video on the channel, uploaded a year ago, is titled ‘Me and my child wife’.</p><p>The channel has over 290 videos, including content that showcases their domestic life, outings with Amal’s family, small celebrations, and more. In some videos, Pooja cooks, reiterating how she does not know how to cook at all. Amal reassures her, saying she is still young and will pick up.</p><p>Of late, after the couple went viral, Pooja has been doing paid promotional videos where she reviews skincare and makeup products.</p><p>For Amal and Pooja, YouTube videos and Instagram reels are avenues to earn, considering that she has just joined college this year, and they are trying to find a financial footing. However, Pooja’s is not an isolated case of a ‘child wife’ making money off social media.</p><p>Spend enough time on Instagram, TikTok, or YouTube, and it becomes apparent that the teenage wife or young wife lifestyle is gaining momentum worldwide, and in India too. There are videos of several young wives like Pooja, who are seen cooking in school or college uniforms, making pregnancy announcements before college graduations, and declaring that life’s tribulations cannot ever break their rebellious love for each other.</p><p>There is something deceptively ordinary about these videos. But beneath the easy intimacy and the apparent domestic bliss lies a more complicated story – of girlhood giving way to marriage, of social media turning private choices into public performance, and of boundaries blurring between consent, vulnerability, and agency.</p><p>The teen wife phenomenon on social media is a subset of the traditional wife or trad wife movement, which encourages women to go back to traditional gender roles like birthing, nurturing, care-giving, and so on.</p><p>However, the teen/young wife conversation is more complex in the Indian context. The same imagery of the teen wife as it exists in the West exists against an entirely different backdrop here.</p><p>The conversation here is not just about young women being swept into a global conservative gimmick, but about agency and what it means to make life-altering choices before life itself has had a chance to unfold.</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/NIHWDCufBD06f8Rqh7LdaqW5qUZfMaVRVLiNFOG6tDA/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvZ3h2cmY2ZG8vdGhlbmV3c21pbnV0ZTIwMjYtMDgtMTF2bWVvMXcyZVdoYXRzQXBwLUltYWdlLTIwMjYtMDgtMTEtYXQtMTUuNTIuNDcuYXZpZj9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption>Pooja and Amal (Source: Instagram)</figcaption></figure><p><strong>Inside the ‘teen wife’ lifestyle</strong></p><p>“Spend the day with me as a 19-year-old wife,” says Tristin-Grace Rowell, as she wakes up from a messy bed, sunlight haloing the back of her head. Her husband, Jackson, who is the same age as she is, makes an appearance in the background, as if caught unaware amidst domestic ease. The American influencer couple’s life is on display as if it is already figured out – with a quiet confidence unique to young love.</p><p>The couple has 121k followers on Instagram and mostly features content about their daily life, how they manage money, their house, and more. Tristin also posts about skincare, make-up, and outfit styling.</p><p>Savanna Faith Stone, a trad wife influencer who is often called the “female Andrew Tate”, says that she married her husband at 19, and that choosing a conservative life has only made her feel more empowered. Tristin and other teen/young wife influencers living in the West follow the same pattern.&nbsp;</p><p>For them, the lifestyle is a conduit to both financial rewards and a ‘return to femininity’ advocated by biblical morality. Most trad wives cook from scratch, claim to have no house help, deliver children in their homes without modern medical assistance, ‘obey’ their husbands, and are against using contraception. They frame their lives as fulfilling, ideal even.</p><p>The teen/young wife, a young offshoot of the trad wife, embodies traditional femininity, domestic fulfilment, and devotion to family, but at a far earlier stage of life. If the trad wife asks women to reconsider modern adulthood, the teen wife skips over that phase of introspection altogether.</p><p>In India, however, teen wife/young wife influencers are more diverse. But they all pivot towards the same economic and social model.</p><p>Young wife influencer Tanishkka Tiwari, who is now 22, recently celebrated her third wedding anniversary. Her YouTube channel, The Epicsodes, has over 4.6k subscribers.</p><p>In a video from 10 months ago, titled ‘A day in the life of a 21-year-old married girl’, Tanishkka is seen spending time at her residence while her husband is out. In the evening, once he returns, the couple go to get an anti-rabies vaccine, which Tanishkka calls a “soulmate” thing.</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/JKHOZ-suGrDUel4isswW20cYrI6vFwPQi-dNiQzHdvA/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvdjI0c3RkcWwvdGhlbmV3c21pbnV0ZTIwMjYtMDgtMTF3dzl6NWl3c1doYXRzQXBwLUltYWdlLTIwMjYtMDgtMTEtYXQtMTYuMDIuMTEuYXZpZj9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption>Tanishkka and her husband at their 3rd wedding anniversary (Source: Tanishkka's Instagram handle)</figcaption></figure><p>In Kerala, social media influencer Devapriya’s marriage created considerable clamour. A law student with over 49k followers on Instagram and 55.5k subscribers on&nbsp;<ins><a href="https://www.youtube.com/@Devapriya_mp">YouTube,</a></ins>&nbsp;she married Jishnu K Manoj, a 31-year-old psychologist, when she was 19 years old. Her family did not accept her relationship or marriage, citing that she was too young to marry and preferring that she study and build a career.</p><p>In a question-and-answer session with her YouTube subscribers, Devapriya says that the couple had their own “circumstances” due to which they got married and that they do not wish to place themselves as an ideal or a model for others. However, Devapriya, too, like Tanishkka and others, posts videos of her cooking, her domestic activities, and so on.</p><p>Parallelly, there is a ‘reaction economy’ of YouTubers, making videos responding to the lives of people like Devapriya who marry young and monetise their lifestyle online. While some of these YouTubers take a puritan standpoint, calling the couple out, others cite how marriages with a huge age gap between spouses are normal, citing celebrity couples like Fahadh Faasil and Nazriya Nazim, for example.</p><p>Whatever the context, though, like in the West, young Indian wife influencers also follow a moral code.&nbsp;</p><p>Tanishkka, for example, cooks, cleans, prays, and plays the ultimate good wife and good daughter-in-law. She also observes fasts on days considered auspicious in Hinduism. She, too, like Pooja and others, promotes make-up and skincare through paid partnerships with brands.</p><p>While women like Tanishkka are ‘married off’ by their parents at a young age, several other young wives, especially those like Pooja, who hail from economically and socially marginalised backgrounds, operate in a different reality.</p><p>Anamika Vishnu, a young wife influencer from Kerala, for example, got married in her late teens. Her husband, Vishnu, is the son of Grija, who runs the Jeevamatha Karunya Bhavan orphanage in Theppupara. Anamika was an inmate of the orphanage.</p><p>The couple got married in November 2024 and has a one-year-old daughter.</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/JUgehwzmJIx19HMgYjDYy5KPMxrtuhVzifxs49sCslU/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvZnRnazA5ZmYvdGhlbmV3c21pbnV0ZTIwMjYtMDgtMTFrOWxwdzBqMFdoYXRzQXBwLUltYWdlLTIwMjYtMDgtMTEtYXQtMTYuMTcuMjQuYXZpZj9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption>Vishnu and Anamika (Source: Couple's Instagram page)</figcaption></figure><p>Girija explains in an online interview that children admitted to orphanages under the Child Welfare Commission (CWC) must be moved out once they turn 18. She adds that once Anamika turned 18 and it was time to shift her, she asked if she would like to marry her son Vishnu. Anamika had no objections and the couple was soon married.</p><p>Anamika has wholly embraced her marital life and has been actively broadcasting it through YouTube vlogs and Instagram reels. But certainty in the present does not erase the questions that surround a marriage begun so young.&nbsp;</p><p>On the whole, data from the Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation shows that over the last few years, the average age of marriage for women in India has increased across both rural and urban areas. The latest National Family Health Survey&nbsp;<ins><a href="https://www.nfhsiips.in/nfhsuser/assets/National%20Family%20Health%20Survey%20(NFHS-6)%202023-2024%20Fact%20Sheets.pdf">data</a></ins>&nbsp;also shows that, on average, the number of women marrying before 18 years has significantly dropped from 23.3 percent to 20.1 percent.</p><p>This means that an increasing number of women are choosing to marry later. But when it comes to the niche of young adult women who choose to marry in their teenage years, that choice is informed by several factors.&nbsp;</p><p>The increased visibility and economic model offered by the online content creator market is pushing several such young women to embrace and perform traditional femininity.</p><p><strong>Power imbalance, stability, mental health</strong></p><p>“Don’t you also have a mother and a sister at home? The man in the photo is my husband, not my elder brother. Please stop commenting unkindly,” reads a comment from young wife Vismaya Sibin on the&nbsp;<ins><a href="https://www.instagram.com/vismaya_sibin_?igsh=aW5kbW5nbGlsbHln">Instagram</a></ins>&nbsp;post in which she announced her pregnancy.</p><p>Vismaya married Sibin, whose Instagram bio says he is 23 years old, in October 2025. Vismaya is now five months pregnant. The couple’s Instagram comments are filled with all kinds of reactions. While some mockingly ask if they posted the pregnancy video during school lunch break, considering that they both still look like children, others take harsher jibes.</p><p>Dr B Subha Sri, a gynaecologist and Clinic Director of the Rural Women’s Social Education Centre (RUWSEC), a grassroots NGO in Tamil Nadu, says that it is worrying when young girls do not just give up education for marriage but also get pregnant early on.</p><p>“I am all for autonomy, sexual and other kinds. But it has to be an informed choice. The question is, at such a young age, how informed is this choice? Young girls and boys get into such situations because they do not have any other information. They marry, and the natural progression they tilt towards is childbirth. Biologically, it is possible, sure. But are they prepared to parent a child, or even provide well for the child?” she asks, while speaking to <em>TNM</em>.</p><p>These are important decisions to be made, Dr Subha Sri says, adding that individual autonomy has to come within a context of information, adequate support, and an awareness of the other options available in a situation.</p><p>“I really think there is a problem in saying this is a choice. This choice argument is something we increasingly see in cases where the woman has consequences. First of all, how sure are the partners of each other? And even if their love makes them feel sure, what about the economic, emotional, and mental health impact of pregnancy and family rearing?” Dr Subha Sri points out.</p><p>When asked about the presence of a certain kind of grooming in marriages involving teenage girls, Dr Subha Sri says that it is tricky.&nbsp;</p><p>“There is definitely a power imbalance in terms of gender. I personally would not say there is grooming if the age difference between the spouses is not significant. But when the boy is 25 or more and the girl is still in her late teens, we should worry. He has all the resources, social and others, in his hands. When we add patriarchal conditioning and a gender discriminatory social context to it, we get what we can say is grooming. The girl will definitely be moulded to live the way he likes, become who he wants,” she explains.</p><p>The actual power imbalance, Dr Subha Sri says, is about how the young man can convince the girl.</p><p>She notes from experience of having dealt with several young women’s medical cases that the ultimate power of convincing lies with the husband because the girl trusts him to choose what is right for her. “He can make her believe that possession or even abuse is a form of love, and that real fulfilment lies in nurturing a family, whatever the personal cost for her,” she says.</p><p>She adds that very rarely has she seen young girls and their spouses settle into a marriage founded on equality and democracy. This, she says, is an outcome of multiple factors like financial instability, lack of emotional maturity, isolation from family and society, and internalising abusive relationships that these young adults grow up seeing at home.</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/w_kqeho0Na81ShofMSPaKbXgcqreshadyAkhDDHT-bA/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvMmo3c3hmNTgvdGhlbmV3c21pbnV0ZTIwMjYtMDgtMTF1a2swMWRhaldoYXRzQXBwLUltYWdlLTIwMjYtMDgtMTEtYXQtMTYuMjAuNDUuYXZpZj9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption>Vismaya and Sibin in an Instagram post about her pregnancy ( Source: Couple's Instagram page)</figcaption></figure><p><strong>What does staying back offer?</strong></p><p>“My parents were separated very early on. My father had relationships with other women, and I became a mother to my younger siblings at an early age. When I met a man who encouraged me to live my dreams, I felt confident,” says Monalisa Bhonsle to <em>TNM</em>.&nbsp;</p><p>Monalisa, the viral young tribal woman from the Prayag Maha Kumbh Mela, now in her late teenage years, married Farman Khan, a Muslim man whom she met on a film set. While she is a teen wife now, her choice to become one was not driven by absolute free will. Neither was her virality.</p><p>The same is the case with Pooja, and perhaps even Anamika, who become young wives. While some of them run away from home with a lover to escape family toxicity and caste/class-based objections from the community, others feel that it is a ticket to a freer life.</p><p>When romantic love itself remains contested across the country, trapped in caste, religion, and class, young people power through a web of expectations about community, honour, and belonging. Several young men in romantic relationships with women who are not yet 18 years old are booked by the police under the Protection of Children from Sexual Offences (POCSO) Act at the behest of the girl’s parents.</p><p>While some of these cases are motivated by sheer disapproval of the man, others are motivated by caste differences. And when young women decide to choose marriage, the internet becomes a means for financial sustenance, the traction a byproduct.</p><p>Dr Anbu Durai, psychiatrist and Executive Director of clinical services at Chennai-based NGO The Banyan, says that if we look deeply, there is no real objection in India against women being married off young per se. The problem only arises when she defies family or community norms.</p><p>“Even if not completely mature, teenagers are going through hormonal readiness. Now, if you look at nature, there is no clear age barrier to mating and reproduction. In several primitive societies, girls are married off early. Even major religions encourage early marriage to prevent the girls from being ‘corrupted’. So generally, it is not like there is a groundswell against marrying off a girl young, except in middle and upper classes perhaps,” he explains.</p><p>What Dr Anbu is saying is that most girls are raised in India with the end goal of them being married off at a certain age. Therefore, girls internalise this destiny, and he says many young adults have told him that if they are to eventually marry, why not do it right away.</p><p>“This logic may make older adults or parents frown, but what we do not realise as a society is that we are grooming young girls to pivot towards the idea of eventually playing gender roles and conforming to the same morality. But does hormonal readiness mean they are equipped to tackle the weight of life? Rather, are we addressing puberty and sexual readiness in a way that helps young adults regulate their emotions and make more informed choices?” he asks.</p><p>The answer is, unfortunately, negative. Though most schools claim to have some kind of sex education on the curriculum, the topic is still taboo. Further, sex education is perceived to be about the mating process, which several medical professionals have squarely rejected time and again.&nbsp;</p><p>“Sex education covers much more, like bodily autonomy, emotional maturity, social aspects and so on. Sex education must start with hygiene, self-identity, how you relate to other people, who is sexually allowed to come close and the like,” Dr Anbu explains.</p><p>The social models young adults have are also equally problematic. Popular culture, for example, including mainstream films, popularises young love and romanticises marriages where the man is centred. Young love is often pictured with a certain rebellious charm, making it more tempting for a teenager who is at the cusp of a hormonal surge and a social setup that offers no leniency.&nbsp;</p><p>Moreover, a counter question that several teen wives in India ask is about the benefits of staying with their natal families, when they feel they have found lovers who appear more liberal, promising a future devoid of the restrictions they face from their families.</p><p>Data from the National Crime Records Bureau consistently shows that families are sites of extreme violence. Children and women, both young and old, often face domestic abuse, sexual violence, and exploitation from the male members in their own families. Several girls also grow up watching the patriarch exercise control over their lives and choices, making them want to escape the moment they get a chance.</p><p>“I married a man who tells me I can be anything I want to be. In my family and even my village, girls are not even sent to school. But Farman encouraged me to study, to pursue my own joys. Back home, I would have been thrust into the same fate as my mother: a young wife at the disposal of her husband’s whims. But now that weight has been lifted off my chest,” says Monalisa.</p><p>She has a very valid point. That is what makes the teen wife phenomenon difficult to criticise from a moral high ground.</p><p>Most of us may be tempted to write teen wives off or even predict that their marriages are doomed. But there is a question we must answer: what alternative is the conventional family setup offering women torn between the fleeting audacity to run away with a lover and the exhaustion of staying back?</p><p>However, going by the same data, which says that violence within families is rampant, these young wives may be headed towards similar cycles of abuse that they tried to escape. But the entrapment may be hard to see at first, through the rose-tinted glasses of love. And for several of these couples, things might just work out fine.</p><p>The scenario is further complicated by the internet, which now allows teen wives to find a community and even praise from conservative echo chambers that laud their ‘return to femininity’.</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/Z2cpw1zxOo4FxfEgv5MnuU2lk5hU8UzBBw7RQAyEP18/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvaGxvMDZ2ejUvdGhlbmV3c21pbnV0ZTIwMjYtMDYtMjlhaGV2c2JqZG1haW4taW1hZ2UuanBnLTEuYXZpZj9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption>Monalisa Bhosle and her husband, Farman Khan, during an exclusive interview with TNM.</figcaption></figure><p><strong>Social media and the semblance of normalcy</strong></p><p>While most teen wife influencers in the West are propelled by a voluntary urge to document their lives on social media and monetise them, in India, as mentioned earlier, it is more complex. While some teen/young wives are proud to showcase their lives, others turn to the internet out of a lack of economic options.</p><p>In the case of Pooja and Amal, neither of them had YouTube channels or brand collaborations before they became viral following their marriage. Now, they can monetise their content through product promotions and their social media content. This applies to most other ‘viral’ teen wives and their spouses.</p><p>“The teens and early adulthood are also a time when critical thinking develops, and avenues for skills to evolve are present. With the general unemployment and economic duress, finding jobs that pay enough with basic degrees or less is tedious. But the internet swoops in like a saviour here for many,” says Dr Anbu.</p><p>This not only gives them financial empowerment, but also makes them feel that they have made the right choice because people recognise them, and several internet users even appreciate them.</p><p>Imposing restrictions on such content is a slippery slope that would spill into the territory of internet censorship and moral policing. The solution, both Dr Subha Sri and Dr Anbu say, lies in building a better social fabric that moulds emotionally stable, self-aware young people.</p><p>“The solution has to be multi-layered and has to start at schools. Sex education, a recognition of what teenagers go through, conversations on desire and how to regulate emotions, and a good vision for their own individual futures are the key. This is so obvious, yet we keep failing to invest in such social engineering,” says Dr Anbu.</p><p>Dr Subha Sri adds that popular culture, especially films, also must assume some responsibility in not normalising toxicity or gift-wrapping control as love.</p><p>Perhaps, the most uncomfortable truth about the teen wife phenomenon is that it does not fit neatly into the binary of black or white.</p><p>It is neither wholly a story of empowerment nor entirely one of victimhood. It is a story of young people trying to carve out lives within social structures that reward regressive ideals while also criticising them for it.</p><p><em>This report was <ins><a href="https://www.thenewsminute.com/news/the-rise-of-the-teen-wife-when-young-marriage-becomes-social-media-content">republished</a></ins> from The News Minute as part of The News Minute-Newslaundry alliance.</em></p>

2026/8/13
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‘Bid to eliminate the messenger’: Social media takedowns leaving users in the dark

<p><strong>Leveraging Section 79(3)(b) of the IT Act, government officials are forcing platforms like Meta and X to take down posts with little transparency and legal recourse. </strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/COWG-yU3lx1DuvZX0dkh8FW4HvEgAhClsIBnc-_sk_s/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTIvdGJxeXB6NGQvbWV0YS10YWtlZG93bnMuanBnP2F1dG89Zm9ybWF0JTJDY29tcHJlc3MmZml0PW1heCZkcHI9MS4wJmZvcm1hdD13ZWJw" alt="Cutout of a person holding a phone with screenshots of content restriction notifications. " referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><iframe class="trinity-player trinity-iframe" src="https://trinitymedia.ai/player/trinity-i/2900013399/?pageURL=https://www.newslaundry.com/2026/08/12/bid-to-eliminate-the-messenger-social-media-takedowns-leaving-users-in-the-dark&amp;readContentType=URL" style="border: 0; width: 100% !important; height: 90px !important" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe> <p>Posts by journalists, political parties, activists and media organisations are increasingly being restricted or taken down on platforms such as Meta and X, following government notices issued under Section 79(3)(b) of the Information Technology Act. This trend has raised concerns over transparency, due process and press freedom in India.&nbsp;</p><p>The stakes are particularly high for journalists and creators who don’t have institutional backing, according to freelance journalist Sachin Gupta. “When we share hate speech or violence on social media, the government should take cognisance of those posts and take action against the people making the hate speech, rather than against those who are posting or sharing it. This is, in a way, an attempt to eliminate the messenger so that such things do not come out.”</p><p>Between July and December 2025, Meta restricted over 41,000 pieces of content in India, which is nearly triple the number recorded a year earlier, according to its <ins><a href="https://transparency.meta.com/reports/content-restrictions/country/IN/">report</a></ins> on content restrictions in India. More recent figures will be published at the end of this month, according to a Meta employee <em>Newslaundry </em>spoke to. In light of a police drive to weed out abusive Jantar Mantar videos, there are accusations of a surge in restrictions.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/ei4EL5_kCGVIDtq1UuU1MFapHQkDWHmbUWuXJ8EeAi8/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTIvYzVxYWV0MW0vMS0xNy5qcGc_YXV0bz1mb3JtYXQlMkNjb21wcmVzcyZmb3JtYXQ9d2VicA" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><p>Sachin Gupta pointed to a lack of clarity around such restrictions and said, “Independent and freelance journalists and social media creators who do not have a platform to publish their news or information use social media to post it. If you get such posts deleted or removed, where will these people go?”</p><p><strong>X sent Sachin Gupta two takedown notices</strong></p><p>Sachin Gupta received two notices from X seeking the removal of two of his posts. One notice was from <ins><a href="https://x.com/Sachingupta/status/2086715065424613400?s=20">Saharanpur Police</a></ins> and the second was from <ins><a href="https://x.com/Sachingupta/status/2085771528860545151?s=20">Muzaffarnagar Police</a></ins>.</p><p>Gupta said inspector-rank officers sent both notices. He claimed that when he contacted senior officers in both districts, they said they had no information about the inspector-level officers having issued instructions to remove his posts. One of the posts contained a video of Hindutva activist Pinki Chaudhary, in which he is seen announcing that he’ll perform a Hindu ritual at Darul Uloom Deoband, an Islamic seminary. The second video was about the recent Kanwar Yatra, in which Kanwariyas had blocked the Delhi-Haridwar highway. The Muzaffarnagar Police claimed that the video was promoting violence.</p><p>On Meta’s platforms, posts by journalist <ins><a href="https://x.com/santoshpathak12/status/2086661892974817410?s=20">Santosh Pathak</a></ins>, <em>Alt News </em>co-founder and fact-checker <ins><a href="https://x.com/zoo_bear/status/2085344040137142502?s=20&amp;utm_source=chatgpt.com">Mohammad Zubair</a></ins>, media organisations <em>Scroll</em> and <em>The Hindu</em>, the <ins><a href="https://x.com/IYC/status/2085433701593502095?s=20&amp;utm_source=chatgpt.com">Indian Youth Congress</a></ins>, Arvind Kejriwal, the <ins><a href="https://x.com/AamAadmiParty/status/2085279711798939673?s=20&amp;">Aam Aadmi Party</a></ins>, Ashutosh Ranka and <ins><a href="https://x.com/SauravDassss/status/2085406689212769?s=20&amp;utm_source=chatgpt.com">Saurav Das</a></ins> of the CJP and <ins><a href="https://x.com/RoflGandhi_/status/2085316111776788711?s=20&amp;utm_source=chatgpt.com">Rofl Gandhi (Parody)</a></ins> have also been flagged in the context of the ongoing restrictions and takedowns.</p><p><em>Scroll </em>said one of its posts on Instagram had been made unavailable in India. According to <ins><a href="https://scroll.in/latest/1094853/scroll-instagram-posts-on-kashmir-pellet-victims-blocked-in-india-fourth-block-since-june">it</a></ins>, the report was about how most pellet gun victims in Kashmir had not received compensation even a decade after they were injured. A <ins><a href="https://scroll.in/article/1094803/in-kashmir-most-pellet-gun-victims-wait-for-compensation-even-a-decade-later">second post</a></ins> with a photograph in which pellet injuries were not visible, published later that day, was also restricted. Instagram did not provide a specific reason for the actions. <em>Scroll </em>said the post remained available on Facebook and Threads, but was restricted on Instagram.</p><p>Similarly, an <ins><a href="https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/meta-restricts-post-on-kashmir-pellet-victim-insha-mushtaq-in-india/article71320978.ece">Instagram post</a></ins> by <em>The Hindu</em> was restricted in India. The post was about Kashmir pellet victim Insha Mushtaq, whom security forces blinded by firing pellet guns during the 2016 Kashmir protests.&nbsp;</p><p>In response to the removal of the posts from both organisations, the platform said it had “restricted access to the content pursuant to India’s IT Rules” without providing further information.</p><p>On the restriction of <ins><a href="https://x.com/ArvindKejriwal/status/2085219400970539037?s=20">a post</a></ins> by Arvind Kejriwal and the Aam Aadmi Party’s official account, AAP national spokesperson Priyanka Kakkar told <em>Newslaundry</em>, “GenZ protest has shown how much public anger exists against the Modi government. Now they want to suppress social media to stop the narrative against them, but it will blow up more.”</p><p>Several CJP leaders’ posts have also been taken down. CJP Co-Convenor Ashutosh Ranka said, “I think there is a crackdown on pro-CJP content and pro-CJP content creators, and it cannot happen without the government wanting to do so.”</p><p>On his posts that have been made unavailable in India, Ranka said, “I have no clue why some of those posts were restricted. One of them was about food and one of them was about Sonam’s detention SOS call immediately after it. I am pretty sure it has something to do with the content of these videos, but no such justification has been shared with me. Four videos of mine were restricted.”</p><p>He added, “Our East &amp; North East (India) zone head Ankit Bhardwaj's Instagram and Facebook account got suspended randomly after <ins><a href="https://x.com/Cockroachisback/status/2085446845644574934?s=20">his name was announced</a></ins> for the position. So, there is definitely the government behind these restrictions, number one. I have never had any similar restriction in terms of content.”</p><p><strong>Meta cites safe harbour, sharp rise in takedowns</strong></p><p>A Meta employee, speaking on condition of anonymity, told <em>Newslaundry</em>, “Notices issued under section 79(3)(b) are legally bound for the platform. We have to comply with the notices otherwise the safe harbour protection will be removed which is provided to us as an intermediary.”</p><p>Section 79 of the IT Act grants intermediaries like Meta and X immunity from liability for content posted by their users, provided they comply with government takedown directions. Losing this “safe harbour” protection would expose platforms to legal liability for any unlawful content on their platforms, which is why compliance with Section 79(3)(b) notices, even when the process is contested, remains high.&nbsp;</p><p>The Meta employee said posts that have been restricted or made unavailable in India were based on notices and did not involve violations of Meta’s Community Guidelines. “If it was a violation of the community we have given other notices to users which clearly define which guidelines violate,” they said.</p><p>“We are transparent in working, and we have nothing to hide. We are doing everything as per law.”</p><p>Of the 41,400 restrictions highlighted earlier, 23,000 were on posts, 3,200 on profiles, 935 on comments and 261 on pages and groups on Facebook – a significant increase from the January-June 2025 period. On Instagram, the restrictions included 10,500 on media and 3,540 on accounts.</p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/mkEX0TV6Bmqp2GIWmJKu6zFnBbEgZ6gPys4oDEq5xYI/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTMvdWZzc3p1b2svSW5mb2dyYXBoaWNzLTItMS5qcGc_YXV0bz1mb3JtYXQlMkNjb21wcmVzcyZmb3JtYXQ9d2VicA" alt referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><p>Meta also <a href="https://transparency.meta.com/reports/content-restrictions/country/IN/">said </a>it had restricted access to more than 9,000 posts in India in response to directions from the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (MeitY), the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting (MIB) and the Indian Cybercrime Coordination Centre (I4C).</p><p>Content restricted under I4C-issued reports pursuant to Section 79(3)(b) of the Information Technology Act, 2000, included content allegedly related to generated AI and manipulated content, defamation, hate speech, violence and incitement, religious extremism and sectarian content, and alleged fraud and scams.</p><p>The platform also said it restricted access to more than 22,000 posts in response to court orders submitted by local law-enforcement agencies to restrict content relating to generated AI content about local politicians. The remaining posts were restricted due to alleged violations of other local laws.</p><p>Asked whether there had been a spike in takedown requests on Meta’s platforms in India after a recent meeting of top Meta officials with Union minister Ashwini Vaishnaw following the brief takedown of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s post from Facebook, the employee said this year’s data would be updated by the end of the month and that only then could a conclusion be drawn.</p><p><strong>SFLC: Sahyog bypasses safeguards under Section 69A</strong></p><p>The Software Freedom Law Centre (SFLC), India, has raised concerns over the takedown drive, saying it is contrary to the rule of law and India’s constitutional commitment to freedom of speech under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution.</p><p>“While private platforms are not directly bound by the Constitution in the same manner as the State, their content moderation decisions increasingly influence the digital spaces in which democratic participation takes place,” SFLC.in said in a <ins><a href="https://x.com/SFLCin/status/2085429553879736701?s=20">statement on August 6.</a></ins></p><p>SFLC.in pointed to a specific legal contrast to make its case.&nbsp;</p><p>“The Supreme Court of India upheld the constitutionality of Section 69A of the Information Technology Act, 2000, on the basis that the statutory framework required that blocking orders be reasoned, necessary, and proportionate,” it said.&nbsp;</p><p>“By contrast, Sahyog Portal puts in place a parallel system to take down content online, without any of the safeguards present under Section 69A. Notices sent to social media intermediaries through the Sahyog Portal leave users in the dark, with no recourse to meaningfully challenge takedowns and leave affected parties without legal redressal,” it added.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p>Launched in 2024, the Sahyog portal lets the government and its agencies send takedown notices to intermediaries under the IT Act, 2000, to remove or block access to unlawful online content. Furthermore, the IT (Intermediary Guidelines and Digital Media Ethics Code) Rules, 2021 were amended with effect from February 20, 2026, requiring social media platforms to remove unlawful information within three hours of receiving a government notice or court order.</p><p>The organisation said platforms should ensure that their moderation processes are transparent and accompanied by safeguards, including notice, reasons for enforcement actions and effective mechanisms for review.</p><p>SFLC.in has called for the disclosure of takedown orders, including the reasons and legal justifications, and for notices received by intermediaries to be sent to affected users. It has also sought greater transparency from platforms regarding the number, nature, source and outcome of government requests or orders for content removal and account restrictions.&nbsp;</p><p><strong>X’s Sahyog challenge dismissed, appeal underway&nbsp;</strong></p><p>The issue of government notices under Section 79(3)(b) has also been the subject of a legal challenge by X.</p><p><ins><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/bangalore/govt-officers-not-following-uniform-standards-in-takedown-orders-x-corp-in-karnataka-high-court-10115426/lite/?utm_">X Corp challenged</a></ins> the Centre’s Sahyog portal and the use of Section 79(3)(b) for issuing content takedown notices, arguing that the process could bypass the safeguards prescribed under Section 69A of the IT Act. X also argued before the Karnataka High Court that government officials were not following uniform standards while issuing takedown orders.&nbsp;</p><p>The Karnataka <ins><a href="https://indianexpress.com/article/cities/bangalore/karnataka-hc-rejects-social-media-platform-x-corps-petition-challenging-take-down-orders-10268885/?u">High Court dismissed</a></ins> X Corp’s petition in September 2025, upholding the Centre’s position on the Sahyog portal and the takedown mechanism. The court held that social media platforms operating in India are subject to the country’s regulatory framework.&nbsp;</p><p>X subsequently appealed against the judgment. In its appeal, X maintained that the takedown process under Section 79(3)(b) allowed a large number of officials to take down content they considered unlawful and argued that blocking orders should follow the safeguards under Section 69A. X had earlier said it would appeal the judgment “to defend free expression.”&nbsp;</p><p>For independent and freelance journalists and social media creators, the issue is particularly significant because social media remains a platform to publish reports and information when they do not have a traditional media organisation behind them.</p><p><em>Newslaundry </em>has reached out to X, the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology and Meta for their responses. The story will be updated if and when responses are received.</p><p><em>Small teams can do great things. All it takes is a subscription. <ins><a href="http://newslaundry.com/subscription">Subscribe</a></ins> now and power Newslaundry’s work.&nbsp;&nbsp;</em></p>Hafta 601: Meta, Modi and the battle for India’s internetMeta pushes child sexual abuse material on Instagram, finds BBC investigation

2026/8/12
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Inside Jharkhand’s assembly gherao: Lathicharge, tear gas and conflicting claims

<p><strong>Who resorted to violence and how did the protest escalate?</strong></p><figure><img src="https://imgproxy.citrusreader.com/U_1yvzvwpCjnW_XWk6nESOs4_WiG-vqOvgm33Z723Hc/raw:1/aHR0cHM6Ly9tZWRpYS5hc3NldHR5cGUuY29tL25ld3NsYXVuZHJ5LzIwMjYtMDgtMTEvZ3RqY3JmcXAvSkhBUktIQU5ELmpwZz9hdXRvPWZvcm1hdCUyQ2NvbXByZXNzJmZpdD1tYXgmZHByPTEuMCZmb3JtYXQ9d2VicA" alt="Images from the student protest in Ranchi. " referrerpolicy="no-referrer"><figcaption></figcaption></figure><figure><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/cefAQ2VfEho" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen="true" referrerpolicy="no-referrer"></iframe><figcaption><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cefAQ2VfEho" target="_blank" rel="noopener noreferrer">Watch on YouTube</a></figcaption></figure><p>Thousands of students from all districts of Jharkhand marched on the state assembly in Ranchi on Monday, demanding the cancellation of exams conducted by the Jharkhand Public Service Commission and Jharkhand Staff Selection Commission over alleged paper leaks and irregularities. They also demanded a CBI probe into the allegations.</p><p>Despite prohibitory orders under BNSS section 163 and heavy barricading with barbed wire, protesters broke through the security cordons and reached the assembly complex. The police responded with water cannons, tear gas and lathicharge, leaving several students injured. The police claimed that protesters pelted stones, injuring several security personnel.</p><p>So, what really happened on the ground? Who used force, who resorted to violence, and how did the protest escalate?</p><p>Watch.</p><p><em>In times of misinformation, you need news you can trust. We’ve got you covered. <ins><a href="http://newslaundry.com/subscription">Subscribe</a></ins> to Newslaundry and power our work.</em></p>Why are students in Jharkhand angry? JPSC-JSSC protest enters 14th dayJharkhand paper leak protest: Student leader says hunger strike still on, no stepping back

2026/8/11
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